Start in science. National cuisine in the customs and traditions of the Kabardians and Balkars

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INTRODUCTION

This project is dedicated to the history of my people - the Kabardians. The population of the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic as of January 1, 2017 is 862,050 people. according to Rosstat data on the preliminary population estimate as of 01/01/2017.

I, Gonibova Lalina, am a representative of the Kabardian family, people from the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, the village of Upper Akbash.

Russia is a multinational state. Representatives of more than 100 different peoples live in it. A people and a nation are called a community of people that has developed over a long time in a certain territory, which has its own special language, culture, and economy. The belonging of a person to a certain people is called nationality. A person inherits nationality from his parents.

In my work, I would like to draw the attention of the public to the development of the cultural traditions of my people.

Starting work on this project, I set myself the goal of learning as much as possible about the traditions of my people. While working on the project, I studied various literary and documentary sources, which helped me learn a lot of useful information. I learned to analyze and draw conclusions. To search for answers, I turned to the explanatory dictionary for help, talked with the elders of the village, met with school and village librarians, visited Internet sites, and turned to the teacher for help.

On September 1, 1921, the Kabardian Autonomous Region was formed as part of the RSFSR, and in January 1922 - the unified Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Region, which was transformed in 1936 into the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

Kabardino-Balkaria is one of the most picturesque corners of the North Caucasus. The main wealth of the republic is its people: hardworking and brave, generous in friendship and hospitality, severe with enemies. The workers of Kabardino-Balkaria have turned the formerly backward region into a powerful industrial region of the country. New power plants, factories and plants peacefully coexist with the remains of ancient battle towers, monuments to ancient folk heroes - defenders from foreign aliens.

The very name of the republic suggests that two peoples live here - Kabardians and Balkars. These peoples speak different languages, but since ancient times they have been united by a common historical destinies, the closeness of their everyday way of life. There are many similarities in the oral literature of the Kabardians and Balkars - in their folklore.

Kabardians call themselves "Adyghes". "Adyge" is the common name for two other peoples related to the Kabardians - the Adyghe and the Circassians, who live in the Adyghe and Karachay-Cherkess autonomous regions. In the distant past, the Adyghes, Kabardians and Circassians were one people. They also created a common folklore, known as the Adyghe.

Majestic tales about heroes - narts, songs about fighters for the people's cause - the brave Aydemirkan, Hatkha Kochas and other folk heroes, sincere lyrical songs, various fairy tales - all this is the common property of the three peoples.

Objective of the project: get acquainted with the history of the Kabardian people and explore the peculiarities of cultural traditions.

Project objectives:

Learn from various sources the history of the development of the Kabardian people; explore the main stages in the development of cultural traditions.

Present national crafts and features of homemade culinary products.

Tell about the national traditions of your family.

Relevance:

Russia is a huge, big country. And in this vast country there is a beautiful corner called "Kabardino - Balkaria". Each person should know well about the place where he was born and lives. Everyone has the right to be proud of their history. Everyone has their own, unique, special, original. Year after year, it was formed, created by dozens of generations. What we inherited from past generations was obtained with incredible efforts, sweat and blood of our predecessors. Therefore, we remember them with gratitude, carefully preserve everything that they left us.

Today, the issue of preserving the customs and cultural traditions of peoples is very acute in the world. It is necessary to draw public attention to the development of cultural traditions of different peoples living on the territory of the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic.

Hypothesis: the ability to preserve and increase the traditions and culture of one's ancestors, representatives of different nationalities is not only the ability to honor the past and present, but also the ability to educate a cultural, tolerant society for the future generation of our country.

Customs and traditions of the Kabardians: fidelity to the principles of Adyghe Khabze.

Object of study:

My family, my classmates, the Kabardian people.

Subject of study:

History and culture of the Kabardians.

Research methods:

Collection of information.

Work with the Internet - resources.

Analysis of the received materials.

Chapter 1.

1.1. History of the Kabardians.

Since ancient times, until the end of the XIV century, all the Adygs (Circassians) (including Kabardians, Circassians of the KChR and Adyghes) have a common history.

Kabardians are the most numerous branch of the Circassians (Circassians). Of all the mountain tribes, the Kabardians have won the loudest fame, thanks to their warlike spirit, courage, as well as their dominant position in the North Caucasus. In Russian history, they are known under the name "Pyatigorsk Circassians", which comes from the name of the mountain Beshtau (in Russian - Pyatigorye), in the vicinity of which they live.

The ancestors of the Kabardians from time immemorial lived on the eastern shores of the Black Sea. But only from the middle of the 15th century did Kabarda and the Kabardians appear on the historical scene, so named after the leader of the people, the semi-legendary Prince Idar (Kabardei). Subsequently, the Kabardian princes held in tributary dependence the neighboring mountain tribes - the Ingush, Ossetians, Abaza, mountain Tatars.

All the highlanders of the North Caucasus, and after him the Russian Cossacks, borrowed from the Kabardians the form of clothing, weapons, and riding a horse. Kabarda was also a school of good manners and manners for the highlanders.

In 1722, during the Persian campaign of Peter I, the Kabardians, despite the threats of the Crimean Khan, stood on the side of Russia. Their complete unification took place after a series of Russo-Turkish wars. Friendship with Russia contributed to the strengthening of the influence of the Kabardians in the North Caucasus. In 1991, the Kabardian Autonomous Okrug was formed as part of the RSFSR, later the united Kabardino-Balkarian Republic.

I learned that Kabarda has the best pastures in the Caucasus. Carps, pikes, trout are found in rivers and streams, but the fish of the Caspian Sea rises along the Terek only to Naur or Mozdok. This region lacks only a large population to turn it into one of the most beautiful provinces of Russia. The rivers and streams that irrigate the plains of Kabarda are very numerous. Here is their list: Podkumok, Stok, Zaluk, Malka, Kura, Kish-Malka, Baksan, Chegem, Cherek, Nalchik, Urukh, Psydaha, Shugolya, Durdur, Psykhuz, or Belaya, Ardon, Fiak-don, Gezeldon, Arkhon, Mostchaya and Kurp.

I also learned that nature has generously endowed our land: high mountains crowned with snowy peaks, fertile plains, dense forests. In Kabardino - Balkaria there is the highest peak in Europe - Mount Elbrus (in Kabardian - Oshkhamakho, which means "Mountain of Happiness") and the famous Blue Lakes.

1.2. How did the Kabardians live and what did they do.

Young Kabardians of the noble class have been engaged in their physical development since childhood. Thus, the ideal of the Kabardian was developed, who has broad shoulders and a narrow waist, a powerful neck, like an ox, sharp-sighted eyes, like a falcon, and strong hands, like a wolf's mouth. Love for sports (although there is no adequate word in the Adyghe language) found a fantastic reflection in the Nart legends. Every year, the Narts (the legendary heroes of the Kabardians) organized heroic games with the Steel Wheel. He was lowered from the top of the mountain, and one of the heroes met him at the foot and drove him back to the mountain with a blow of his foot or palm. The Narts loved multi-day races, wrestling, the purpose of which was to drive the enemy into the ground up to the very neck. For the Kabardians, the sledges were an unattainable ideal.

Kabardian sport did not know mountaineering, but the greatest mountaineering feat in the Caucasus belongs to the Kabardian Kilar Khashirov. On July 10, 1829, without prior training, he was the first in the world to conquer Elbrus. The ascent was organized by the commander of the Caucasian line, General Emanuel. Scientists - a geophysicist, a geologist, a physicist, a zoologist, a botanist, as well as an escort team consisting of Kabardians, Balkars and Cossacks - were involved in this expedition. However, most of the climbers were forced to descend from a height of 4270 meters, unable to withstand mountain sickness. Some did not reach the summit by only 210 meters. Only Kilar Khashirov continued the ascent alone. General Emanuel, who was watching the storming of Elbrus through a telescope, saw how he ascended to the very top of the eastern peak. this modest stone will pass on to posterity the names of those who were the first to pave the way to reaching Elbrus, which is still considered unapproachable!

1.3. crafts

Kabarda and Cherkessia were not areas of wide development of crafts, as, for example, Dagestan.

Most of the local crafts are related to the processing of agricultural products and served the needs of the inhabitants of their village. Only the famous Kabardian cloaks and saddles were sold outside of Kabarda and Circassia, especially among the Terek and Kuban Cossacks.

Existing among the Kabardians and Circassians in the 19th - early 20th centuries. industries can be divided into two groups:

1) women's household crafts (women worked for their families, and in the feudal period for the owner's family);

2) handicraft and handicraft production, serviced by male labor.

Cattle breeding provided the main raw material for women's household crafts, and the first place was occupied by wool, from which cloaks, hats, felts, cloth, ropes, etc. were made. . In the household, women were also engaged in the processing of sheepskins and leather, from which clothes and shoes were made. Along with this, for a long time there were leather craftsmen who made leather for shoes and, in particular, belts for horse harness.

Women were also engaged in weaving mats from reeds. In the life of Kabardians and Circassians, things woven from willow and hazel twigs are widespread. Weaved the walls of the house and outbuildings, hedges, part of the body of the cart, hives-sapets and all kinds of baskets. Weaving was done by men.

Chapter 2. Cultural traditions of the Kabardians.

2.1. Cloth.

For a long time, Kabardians and Balkars lived in friendship, repelling the onslaught of numerous enemies by joint efforts. In severe battles, these peoples managed to preserve their language, customs, rich folklore.

The national clothes of the Kabardians and Balkars have evolved over the centuries. In the traditional clothes of the Kabardians and the Balkars, there was a great similarity. This community has developed over a long historical period. The general military life also mattered.

MEN'S CLOTHING

Men's clothing of Kabardians and Balkars was basically the same. To a large extent, it was made from local materials: sheepskin, cattle skin, wool was processed into felt, from which hats, cloaks, and homespun cloth were made. Silk, velvet, cotton fabrics were obtained by Kabardians and Balkars through developed trade relations.

Men's clothing of Kabardians and Balkars was not only well adapted to local conditions, but also distinguished by its beauty, grace and original elegance. It fully corresponded to the highlanders' idea of ​​the beauty of a male figure, emphasizing broad shoulders and a thin waist, its harmony and smartness, dexterity, strength. And the cattle breeder, and the hunter, and the warrior, and the rider felt equally comfortable and free in clothes that fit exactly to the figure and did not restrict movement.

The clothes of the Kabardians and Balkars were also a kind of decoration. These qualities of the national dress provided her with universal recognition in the Caucasus.

WOMEN'S CLOTHING

The clothes of Kabardians and Balkars had much in common with men's, which testifies to the unity of their fundamental principle. There were, of course, significant differences. The ideal of female beauty in the Caucasus was considered to be a thin waist and a flat chest. To achieve such a figure, kabardians and balkars from the age of 10-12 wore morocco corsets with wooden planks worn on the naked body and tightly clasping the entire bust of the girl. This ensured the subtlety and harmony of the girl's figure. The corset was pulled together with laces and was removed only on the wedding night.

Over the corset they put on an undershirt, which had the same cut as the men's. But it was longer and went down below the knees. Her sleeves were also straight and wide, long, sometimes covering her hands. The women's shirt also had a straight slit and a small stand-up collar fastened with a button. Shirts were sewn from cotton or silk fabric of various, sometimes bright, colors. Great attention was paid to the choice of material for a smart shirt, as the collar, front slit and sleeves peeked out of the dress. The custom of Kabardian and Balkar women to decorate these parts of the shirt with embroidery and beautiful narrow galloons was connected with this. Old women wore shirts made of white or somewhat darkish cotton fabric, while young women sewed them from dark red, blue, brown, etc. The shirts of older women did not have decorations or embroidery.

2.2. Food.

Circassians always approached the issues of food and its intake very seriously. It is no coincidence that in connection with this they developed a special etiquette - table etiquette. This etiquette was taught to children from early childhood, because it was not just a meal, but a whole school that required concentration, attention, self-control.

Meat dishes were a common traditional food of the Kabardians. They were prepared from lamb, beef, poultry and game - from fresh, dried, smoked, boiled meat. The carcass was carefully butchered along its joints. First of all, the spine was cut into small pieces, the ribs, loin, shoulder blades and hind thighs were separated. If it was not necessary to boil the entire carcass of a ram or goat, i.e. food was prepared only for family members, then first of all they cooked pieces of the spine, part of the ribs, shoulder blade, liver, lungs, heart. The last four parts were fried separately in oil. The head and legs were tarred and thoroughly washed in hot and cold water; the insides (offal) were also very thoroughly washed and, at the same time, they were cooked separately with the head and legs. Before cooking fresh meat, it is necessary to thoroughly rinse it in cold water and lower it into a container with already hot, but not yet boiled, salted water and cook, periodically removing the foam. For 30-40 minutes before full readiness, an onion or a bunch of peeled green onions is lowered into the broth, other spices to taste. The cooked meat is taken out, and the broth can be used separately. Kabardians always ate boiled and fried meat with pasta. An obligatory condition for the use of boiled meat was that for normal digestion it was washed down with either broth or another hot drink, but in no case - with cold water. As a rule, meat was eaten hot and with "shyps" (gravy with garlic on a different basis - broth, sour milk, sour cream, a mixture of sour cream and sour milk).

2.3. Culture.

The culture of any nation is eternal. It will remain for humanity even if its creator disappears from the face of the earth. In the system of Caucasian civilization, a significant and worthy place is occupied by the culture of the Kabardian people. The whole world knows the Adyghe etiquette (a set of unwritten laws of the Adyghes) - one of the remarkable monuments of the spiritual culture of the Adyghe ethnic group. The national form of clothing of the Circassians was adopted by almost all the peoples of the Caucasus, as well as the Don, Kuban and Terek Cossacks. Historically, it so happened that the Kabardians were engaged in agriculture and cattle breeding.

The Kabardians raised sheep, cattle and horses. Kabardian horses have always been famous both in Russia and abroad. The famous breed of the Kabardian horse is not only the personification of beauty and endurance, it is very popular among connoisseurs and lovers of equestrian sports; many give her preference because of her unpretentiousness and practicality in the household. The monumental Nart epic is a significant part of world culture.

Today, after more than 100 years, there has been such a close merging and mutual enrichment of the cultures of the peoples of Kabardino-Balkaria that it is difficult to separate the samples of their song creativity from each other. They are perceived as a single culture. Therefore, in this work, Kabardian and Balkar music will be discussed as a single whole.

Kabardians carefully preserve the traditions of their ancestors. In their life, an important role is played by "Adyghe Khabze" - a set of norms and rules of behavior that has been established for centuries. Honoring the elders is one of the main rules of "Adyghe Khabze". It is no coincidence that an eloquent saying has long been preserved in Kabarda: "The power of the elder is equal to the power of God." Indeed, the elderly are the most respected people among relatives and villagers. The elders are always given emphasized signs of attention, they are never objected to. In the company of the elders, the younger ones never speak first, do not interrupt them, and even more so they will never smoke in front of them. With respect for the elders in Kabarda, only a guest can be equal. Hospitality among the Kabardians is virtuous, because it is believed that the guest is the messenger of God. Folk wisdom says: "The guest of the Adygei is sitting in the fortress." The holy commandment of the Kabardian is to receive a guest at any time, feed and arrange him in the best way. A family that is not able to fulfill the duty of hospitality is condemned by fellow villagers.

2.4. The history of the Lezginka dance.

Lezginka is familiar to everyone. This dance is danced at concerts, city squares, weddings and just on the road. He inspires someone, annoys someone, but people who are indifferent to Lezginka simply do not exist. The peoples of the Caucasus have many common features determined by their genetic affinity - from the famous "mountain temperament" to linguistic and cultural proximity. One of the most famous common symbols of the culture of the peoples of the Caucasus is the Lezginka dance, which traditionally symbolically expresses all the diversity of the mountain worldview.

Lezginka has a deep symbolic meaning - the ancient basis of the dance is a story about an eagle and a swan. In the form of an eagle, a man dances, alternating the pace of the dance from slow to swift, like an eagle, now soaring, now diving, and spreading his arms as if they were wings. The woman opposite moves smoothly, imitating the swan's stature and grace, gradually accelerating, following her partner. Men compete with each other, trying to show the best dexterity and the most incredible movements at maximum speed.

Lezginka can also be performed with weapons, which gives it additional militancy. Lezginka performance techniques exist in many variations, and each nation dances it in its own way. However, three types of dance can be distinguished, each of which is distinguished by its unique performance.

Chapter 3. Practical work.

Making a national dish.

To learn how to prepare gedlibzhe I asked my grandmother to tell me about the peculiarities of preparing the national dish.

Goedlibzhe- one of the most common dishes of the Adyghe cuisine, without which not a single feast can do. Gedlibzhe is prepared for every day, and for the festive table, and for the commemoration. This is lightly boiled and then stewed chicken in a creamy sauce. We lower the chicken for this dish into cold water, bring to a boil, salt and cook over low heat until almost cooked. Then cut into small portions. To speed up the process a little, take the chicken fillet and immediately cut it into thin slices along the fibers, and then cook. Boiled chicken meat, divided into portions, transfer to a frying pan. There, fill it with a mixture of cream and broth and simmer.

One serving will require 200 gr. chicken fillet, 120 gr. cream with a fat content of 33% and 50 gr. strained broth. 10-15 minutes - and the dish is ready. Of course, we serve it with the indispensable pasta.

Conclusion.

Summing up the work, I want to note that the preservation of the diversity of national cultures is an important task of modern society.

The level of national relations, the measure of their humanity and respect depend on the correct idea of ​​another nation, its culture. A person who is included in the culture of his own people, thinking about its origins, cannot but treat another culture with good interest and trust.

This work helped me learn the history of my people and tell my peers about it and its traditions. I believe that the more we know about the peoples living in our country and abroad, the less there will be interethnic conflicts on our land.

Let's summarize.

Working on the project, I learned the history of my people, how my people fought for the right to live, observing the traditions of their ancestors. I learned a lot about the development of the culture of the Kabardian people.

The Caucasus is one of the areas of the world where the folk costume is distinguished by exceptional diversity, colorfulness and decorations. I learned that one can study the history of a people by the national costume. I also learned to independently analyze, evaluate the facts and events of the history of my native land.

References:

"Traditional hospitality of Kabardians and Balkars" A.I.Musukaev. 2008

"Traditional culture of Kabardians and Balkars" G.Kh.Mambetov. 2008

"Narts" The heroic epic of the Balkars and Karachays. A.I.Aliyeva. Moscow 1994.

4. Internet resources.

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Shortaeva Inessa Khabasovna. Kabardian family (Traditions and modernity): Dis.... kand. ... cand. ist. Sciences: 07.00.07: Nalchik, 2004 162 p. RSL OD, 61:04-7/920

Introduction

Chapter I Family and family relations .

1.1. Forms and size of the family 22

1.2. Intra-family relations 44

1.3. Raising children in the family 61

Chapter II. Marriage and marital relations .

2.1. Forms of marriage 76

2.2 Marriage conditions and prohibitions 85

2.3.The essence of marriage and family 99

2.4. Marriage and family relations at the present stage 110

Chapter III. Family ritual .

3.1. Wedding ceremonies 121

3.2. Traditions associated with the birth of children 131

3.3 Wake 142

Conclusion 149

References 153

Sources

Introduction to work

The relevance of research. The choice of the research topic is determined by the importance of the family, which has been and remains one of the main social institutions in the structure of society. It is a historically specific primary system of interpersonal relationships that has developed due to the need to fulfill basic human needs. Thanks to the institution of the family, humanity performs a number of functions related primarily to the reproduction of the population, the continuity of generations, the socialization of children, as well as psychological, economic, social and other life-supporting factors that support the existence of its members.

The family occupies an important place in the life of any ethnic group. The Kabardian family, which originally arose as a rural family, in the dynamic process of industrialization and urbanization of the republic was supplemented with a new type of territorial-settlement gradation - an urban form of family relations.

The transition from the rural type of family relations to the urban one was accompanied by profound changes in the structure of the family and its functions. Changes have taken place in the formation of its life cycle, national values. The institution of the family is seriously affected by the economic, social and spiritual processes taking place in modern Russian society.

For many centuries in Kabarda, the family existed in a patriarchal form (the cohabitation of several small related families, the dominant position of the man, a clear division of duties into male and female, the subordination of the wife to her husband, and children to the parental will, etc.). With subsistence farming, large amounts of manual labor, the cohabitation of small related families was necessary.

The patriarchal way of family life was supported by religion, state legislation on the family.

Among the Circassians, the patriarchal family persisted until the middle of the 19th century. In the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries. in connection with the development of capitalist relations, the large patriarchal family, its traditional way of life, is being destroyed. Along with some remaining elements of patriarchal life, new ones appear, caused by the development of commodity-money relations. They manifested themselves in all aspects of family life - in the structure and number of families, in the property and legal status of its members, in the relationship of kindred groups, in family norms of customary law. The fragmentation of large patriarchal families, a decrease in the number of family groups led to a change in the structure of families. The main form of the family from the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX centuries. becomes a small two-generation family.

After the October Revolution in 1920-30. in Kabarda, fundamental changes are taking place in the structure and life of the family. New legal norms and socio-economic conditions contributed to the social activation of the population, violated the traditional isolation of the family, and led to the formation of other features of family life. Relationships between family members are changing, and especially the situation of women and young people. The woman becomes equal with the man, the working youth gains independence, economic independence.

The development of industry in the country, especially in the post-war, 1950-1970s, due to the development of resources, the growth of the educational and cultural level of society, the active urbanization of the population, intensive migration processes in connection with the industrialization of the regions of Russia, in particular, Kabardino-Balkaria, led to change the socio-professional, national composition of the population, strengthened interethnic, intersocial contacts. This played a certain

role in the formation of modern family types, contributed to the introduction and consolidation of new forms of family life. And the policy

* "creation" of a single historical community - the Soviet people -

led, along with urbanization, to the spread of citywide, all-Soviet features of culture and life among various nationalities, led to a significant loss of the national specificity of the culture of each

h people.

Since the late 1980s, Russia has embarked on a peculiar path of developing new market, commodity-money relations with problems and contradictions characteristic of its transition period (the emergence of other forms of management, rising inflation, unemployment, socio-economic groups of society, an increase in the intensity of migration, especially from areas of conflict situations, the open influence of Western states of the far

4 abroad in all areas of the country's socio-economic system, including

number and culture). All these phenomena and processes taking place in the country today are reflected in the modern types of the Kabardian family and its problems.

Today, when humanity has crossed the threshold of the third

millennia, unfavorable trends in family changes exacerbate many social issues, turning family problems into one of the most urgent practical and theoretical tasks of a global nature.

The progress of science and technology has generated not only favorable consequences for the family, but also consequences that complicate its stabilization, created a number of contradictions and difficulties, which require a relatively long time and an effective demographic policy to overcome.

The family is becoming an object of increasing attention of the public and scientists from different countries, which, on the one hand, increases the relevance of comparative international studies, on the other hand, increases the importance of solving the theoretical and methodological problems associated with them.

6 It turned out to be inevitable not only to generalize what has been done in the study of the family in the recent period, but also to resolve a number of issues related to the historical development of the family, its position in the modern world, and the fate of the values ​​of human communication and education created in the past.

If in the past the purpose of marriage was to ensure offspring, then modern marriage is the result of a completely different mindset. Due to material hardship, growing individualism, women's emancipation, increasing intergenerational independence, marriage is less and less seen as a social function. Now its main goal is to organize the personal destiny of a man or woman who freely choose each other for themselves. Now marriage does not scare men away with the burden of responsibility, as before, since the prospect of a large family has disappeared, so it can be expected that the number of marriages will increase.

This subjectivization of marital relations, the reduction of their social significance, is intensified by the family's desire for isolation from society.

Among the main reasons for the social isolation of the family are the facelessness of civilization and the fatalistic dependence on social and economic forces that are incomparably more powerful than it.

In the modern period, this impotence, the depression of a person and each individual family, has acquired the most open, directly tangible forms. The main reason for this situation is the lack of spirituality generated by the changed new socio-economic structure of society and the fall in family values.

All this determines the importance and relevance of studying the modern Kabardian family. The study of these problems is necessary to predict social changes in the modern Kabardian family, to identify the main trends in its development. The family is public

the cell, therefore, is socially conditioned. Formed under the influence of a certain set of social, economic, and specific historical factors, the family and its way of life subsequently acquire relative independence, especially since their atmosphere is more closed, and thus more conservative, than, for example, the sphere of public life. Therefore, in the ethnographic study of the family, the new and traditional in the life of the people are especially clearly visible in their interweaving, interpenetration and gradual displacement of traditions by innovations, which, in turn, become traditions over time.

It was the family that was, is, and, apparently, always will be the most important environment for the formation of personality and the main institution of education, responsible not only for the social reproduction of the population, but also for recreating a certain way of life.

The family is a historically established system of mutual relations.
relations between spouses, parents and children. She is small
social group whose members are related by marriage or
family relations, common life and mutual moral
responsibility, the social necessity of which is due
society's need for physical and spiritual reproduction
population and labor resources. A family can be called a small group in
due to the fact that it fully falls under the definition of this initial for
any society element of society, differing, however, in the nature
associations (very personal). Historical specificity of the family

lies in the fact that it changes over time, adapting to changing social relations (although it is one of the most stable social institutions). The social necessity in the family is really evident, because if it disappears, the very existence of mankind will be threatened. The enduring social significance of the two main functions of the family - reproductive and

educational (i.e., physical and spiritual reproduction of the population), because only in the family they are able to be fulfilled fully and naturally.

The active role of the family is not limited to the area of ​​social life, but continues in other areas of public life. As the primary form of community of people, the family directly combines the individual and the collective principles. In this sense, it is a link that connects not only the biological and social, but also the individual and social life of people, serves for them as the first source of social ideals and criteria of behavior. At the same time, the family not only transmits, but also creates spiritual values, such as marital and parental love, respect and love of children for their parents, family solidarity, corporatism.

An analysis of the position of the modern Kabardian family makes it possible to determine the features that characterize it, taking into account the influence of assimilating factors that take place. All this determines the importance and relevance of studying the modern Kabardian family.

Ethnology, by analyzing the trends in changes in the size and composition of the family, the orientation towards children in families of various ethnic groups and the factors that determine this orientation during the formation of market relations, can provide significant assistance in developing scientific foundations for managing socio-demographic processes, in determining priorities in choosing the optimal their development programs.

The study of these ethnological problems is necessary to predict social changes in the modern Kabardian family, to identify the main trends in its development.

The relevance of the topic, its insufficient development determine the object and subject of research, its purpose and main tasks.

object research in the proposed work are the Kabardian family, its traditional and modern aspects, as well as

processes that caused changes both in the Kabardian family itself and in intra-family relations.

Subject researches were the content, nature and dynamics of various aspects of the lifestyle of Kabardians in the family and domestic sphere, the evolution of social functions, rituals associated with it and their assessment by the modern Kabardian population of the republic.

However, this reason for choosing the object and subject of research is far from the only one. Over the past decades, in Kabardino-Balkaria, there has been a clear trend towards the degradation of many indicators of the ethnic identity of the Kabardians - language, self-consciousness, cultural traditions, etc., which dictates the need to take certain practical measures at the state level in order to prevent such a course of events. At the same time, it is obvious that when taking such steps, excessive radicalism is also dangerous, which can lead to undesirable socio-political consequences. The factors listed above, which play their destructive role in the functioning of not only the Kabardian, but, perhaps, other ethnic groups of the North Caucasus, predetermined the recently noticeably increased attention to the family, to its ethnic characteristics, place in the system of social relations, its social functions. It is known that the birth rate, and consequently, the reproduction of the population, is associated with orientation within the family.

Target This work consists in a comprehensive analysis of the main trends in the change in the social status, structure and functions of the Kabardian family at the present stage.

To achieve this goal, consideration of interrelated tasks, for which we consider it necessary: ​​- to reveal the theoretical and methodological foundations for studying the problems of the modern Kabardian family, its place and role in society;

trace the ways of family formation, study the level of marriage and the attitude of the Kabardian population to innovative forms of family and marriage relations;

explore family types taking into account the socio-demographic and ethno-national composition;

to analyze the transformation of the main functions of the Kabardian family in the process of development of society;

to study the process of modernization of family rituals, intra-family and inter-family ties.

As can be seen, the relevance of the chosen topic for dissertation research is due not only to academic interest in family issues, but also to the need for further research of processes. This approach led to the use of a methodology that provides for the study of the ethnic group in the diachronic aspect, which increased the reliability of the findings.

In order to show the level of reliability of this factual material and the legitimacy of the conclusions arising from it, it is necessary to disclose in detail the methodology underlying this study. It is ethnographic-sociological, in other words, it is based on two main methods of obtaining social information. One of them is the traditional ethnographic method, based on direct and participatory observation, on conversations with individual informants, which were informal in nature and touched upon a wide range of issues. The information obtained in this way has, first of all, a qualitative and only to a small extent - a quantitative aspect. Especially valuable for us was the information received in the villages from informants of the elderly (from 70 years old and more). Their list is 35 people, among which the spouses Tuta and Kuta Semyonov, Zramuk and Lukha Kushev, Khalim Shortaev, Tauzhan Vorokova, Khazhbi Tkhagapsoev, Unagasov Muharbi, Khabid Tlezhukov deserve special mention.

In contrast, the sociological approach presupposes a fairly massive, statistically reliable contingent of respondents who are asked questions, the answers to which are recorded in a standardized form that allows their subsequent computer processing. This method gives results of a qualitative-quantitative nature, convenient for statistical analysis. It is clear that, although such mass materials are of a generalized nature, by themselves they cannot give an idea of ​​all the nuances of the relationship between personality and culture, which are revealed by the ethnographer in the course of a conversation based on an individual approach with an informant. The interpretation of the materials of mass ethno-sociological interviewing becomes more multifaceted and deep when it is supplemented by other sources, including those obtained using the classical ethnographic technique.

At various stages of the dissertation research, the author used the main methods of scientific knowledge, including the method of system analysis, historical, functional, as well as comparison, analysis and synthesis.

The paper makes extensive use of materials from a large-scale study conducted on the problems of the relationship between the traditional and the new in modern culture and the life of the Kabardians and Balkars, conducted in the mid-1970s in Kabardino-Balkaria by the sector of the peoples of the Caucasus of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences and the Kabardino-Balkarian Research Institute of History, Philology and economy. These data were compared with the results of a sociological study conducted by the Kabardino-Balkarian Institute for Humanitarian Research with the participation of a dissertation student in October-November 2002.

One of the key problems of this study is the problems associated with the family and family life. Suffice it to say that in the questionnaire, 61% of the questions directly related to various aspects of this

Problems. Thus, the number and structure of the family, number of children are fixed, one-, two- and three-generation families are singled out as independent objects of study. Another group of questions covers intra-family relations. At the same time, attention is paid to both traditional moments in family life and innovations.

The goals and objectives of the study required the involvement of not only materials from a survey of townspeople and villagers, but also numerous other sources. In the course of the study, materials from the Central State Administration of the KBR were involved. Population census data and statistical collections were widely used. Their data gave a general description, reflected the dynamics of the socio-economic development of the republic, the activities of cultural and educational institutions, etc. This information is necessary for a general description of socio-cultural processes, but did not make it possible to fully identify their ethnic specificity. To fill in the information, a population survey was conducted using a specially designed questionnaire. It was based on a questionnaire compiled by the dissertation student. The ethno-sociological questionnaire containing 87 questions consisted of two parts:

Family (composition and intra-family relations, its formation and types, inter-family ties).

Ritualism (observance of rituals in the family, attitude towards them).

The survey data provided the team of researchers with representative material on urban and rural populations. The questionnaire was the same for the village and the city. According to the nature of the possible answers, the questions were divided into fixing ones (that is, they revealed real knowledge, existence, behavior) and evaluative ones, designed to reveal people's preferences, attitudes, and orientations. This made it possible to determine the dominant trends in the modern development of the family. During the ethnographic expedition, material was collected that is almost impossible to obtain in any other way (the size of marriage payments, features of the wedding

cycle in different areas, the ratio of traditional and modern elements in it, etc.).

The sampling was carried out in the most careful way, which was carried out by M.M. Alkhasov. In this case, the so-called zoned multistage sampling was used. At the first stage of the sampling, the total number of persons to be interviewed was determined. At the same time, the main requirement was taken into account - the sample set should be large enough and at the same time economical. The total number of respondents was 1,500, of which 750 were urban and 750 were rural.

At the second stage of the sampling, districts were identified (Urvansky, Chegemsky, Zolsky, Baksansky and Nalchik), as well as specific settlements. In this case, the following basic features were taken into account: ethnic composition, population, geographical location, etc.

After the selection of villages and the determination of the sample size in each of them, the data of household books were analyzed and, on their basis, a social and demographic map of the adult (from 18 years old) population was compiled. Then the sampling step was determined and the selected (mechanically) persons were entered into a card file.

In the city, the selection of units of observation was made on the basis of electoral lists. The total number of questionnaires per interviewer was determined as 55-60 in order not to form a certain stereotype of answers. The applied sample made it possible to obtain representative material. The survey materials made it possible to reveal a real picture of modern socio-ethnic processes in the KBR, to show the diversity and interrelation of the factors influencing them.

The degree of scientific development of the problem. The theoretical and methodological basis of the dissertation were the ideas and provisions of the classics of world and domestic sociological thought, who consider the family as the most important institution for the reproduction and socialization of new generations. Modern ethnosociologists rely primarily on empirical data supplied by ethnological literature of the 19th - early 19th century. XX centuries Undoubtedly, the work of researchers of past years was of an empirical nature, since the proposed conclusions were based on the interpretation of factual material. The factual base of ethnology was significantly enriched by the outstanding Russian researchers of the Caucasus V.F. Miller, M.M. Kovalevsky and other ethnologists who explore various aspects of the social, including family and household, life of the highlanders. The proposed study uses information from written sources, which reflect issues related to the problem of the family and family life of Kabardians.

However, without exception, all pre-revolutionary authors, including Adyghe public figures - Shora Nogmov, Khan Giray, Kazn Atazhukin and others, touched on family issues only in passing, in connection with one or another problem that they solved. The same can be said about foreign authors who, while traveling, visited the Circassians. These include A. Lamberti, J. Luca, J. Interiano, J. Bell, Jean Baptist Tavernier, M. Broniewski, Taebout de Merigny, T. Lapinsky, Jan Potocki, J. Longworth and others. Most of the information of these foreign authors published in the book "Adygs, Balkars and Karachais in the news of European authors of the 13th-19th centuries", published by Professor V.K.Gardanov in Nalchik in 1974.

Speaking about the pre-revolutionary authors of the 16th-19th centuries, it should be noted that the meeting, acquaintance, and then further contact with one or another people mainly took place through the socially advanced strata of the population (among the Circassians, these were mainly representatives

princely-noble estate), which, as a rule, were both more sociable and more active and mobile in the sense of communicating with representatives of a different nationality. This is evidenced by the descriptions of the life and way of life of the Circassians by many authors. Such a social orientation concerned almost all aspects of the traditional life of the Circassians: public institutions, class privileges, military affairs, intra-family relations and the upbringing of children.

In Soviet times, the issues of family and family life among Kabardians became the subject of research by many authors. However, there is still no separate generalizing work on this problem. Various issues related to the number, form, typology, structure and life of the family are considered in the works of V.K. Gardanov, Kh.M. Dumanov, G.Kh. Mambetov, A.I. N.Studenetskaya, B.B.Khubiev, T.T.Shikova.

The studies and analyzes carried out by these authors and their conclusions and suggestions have undoubtedly enriched our scientific knowledge about the family and life of the Kabardians and the historical and factual base of the Kabardian family.

One of the first authors who turned to the study of the Kabardian family is E.N. Studenetskaya. In order to study a large family, she examined several Kabardian villages in the 50s of the XX century. E.N. Studenetskaya published her research entitled “About a large family among Kabardians in the 20th century” in the journal “Soviet Ethnography”. In her conclusions, she notes that “a large family among the Kabardians survived until the 20th century, it was most clearly expressed among the peasants, where it was an economic unit” and refers to the family of Shabazgeria Kodzokov from the village of Stary Lesken, which at the end of the 19th century numbered 40 people and consisted of three generations. 1

The first ethnographer of the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic T.T. Shikova wrote in her Ph.D. work that in Kabarda in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries there were large families, among which were families

Studenetskaya E.N. About a large family among Kabardians in the 19th century / Soviet ethnography. 1950, no. 2, p. 177.

16 with 50 or more people. 1

The well-known Adyghe historian and ethnographer G.Kh. Mambetov belongs to

* those researchers who have most deeply studied the issues of the family and
marriage among the Kabardians.

In his study "Family life", included as a separate section in the generalizing work "History of the Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR"

* G.Kh. Mambetov writes: “One of the remnants of the patriarchal tribal

relations was a large family was an economic unit with

a single economy and a common cauldron, into which all the income of the family came. 2

Turning to the forms of marriage, G.Kh. Mambetov notes that the most common forms of marriage among Kabardians in the past were: marriage according to the degree of “betrothed”, bride kidnapping, and “the main form of creating a family was marriages concluded by agreement between the parents of the bride and groom on certain conditions based on the customary law of Kabardians and Balkars.

In his other monographic work “Cuba in the past and present”, G.Kh. But along with them there were also large patriarchal families, reaching 15-25 people. The author made this conclusion by examining and summarizing the materials related to the most typical Kabardian village of Kuba.

It is especially necessary to note the statements of the famous Caucasian expert V.K. Gardanov, who studied the social system of the Circassians in his special monographic work. He believes that “Kabardians in the XVIII. century, they usually lived in large families of 10-12 people ... ”4 in another work notes that in the 19th century the small family becomes the dominant family

"Dumanov H.M. Some issues of studying a large family and patronymic among the Adyghes. / Bulletin of the KBNII,

issue 4, Nalchik, 1970, p.71

2 Mambetov G.Kh. Cuba past and present. Nalchik, 1968, p.178.
» 3 Gardanov V.K. Economic development of Kabarda and Balkaria in the 18th century / History of the Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR,

v. 1, M. 1967, p. 133. ^Smirnova Ya.S. Family and family life of the peoples of the North Caucasus. M.1983, pp.27-28.

The study of the Kabardian family was carried out by Ya.S. Smirnova, an employee of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences. She came to the conclusion that in the second half of the XIX century. and the beginning of the 20th century. among the Kabardians, the main form of the family was “transitional” from large to small.

“In form it was a large family, but in content it cannot be equated with an archaic patriarchal family.” 1

K.G. Azamatov also gave his own definition of family forms among the Kabardians, who writes that “the small family among the Kabardians became dominant already in the first half of the 19th century, and not in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.” 2

In our opinion, the most reasonable conclusions on the issues of form, generational composition and family size among Kabardians in the first half of the 19th century. are made by Professor Kh.M. Dumanov, who conducted a special study based on factual materials. It is noteworthy that Professor Dumanov traced all these questions separately for all class groups of feudal Kabarda. The main materials were the family lists of the census of Kabardians in 1825 and 1886. and materials from individual auls throughout the 19th century, analyzed in five numerical tables. He writes: “From our tables we can conclude that the main population of Kabarda were bridles, freedmen and serfs - serfs. According to all tables, the average number of males in the Uzda family was 2.8 people, and taking into account females - 5.6 people.

For freedmen and serfs, respectively, it was 3.4 and 6.8; 2.8 and 5.6 people. Thus, the analysis of the digital data in the tables compiled by us for all the princely names of Kabarda gives reason to assert that already in the first quarter of the 19th century. the main form of family among the Kabardians was a small family with an average size of 6-7 people

"Azamatov K.G. New research on the ethnography of the Kabardians and Balkars / Ethnography of peoples

Kabardino-Balkaria; issue 1, Nalchik, 1977, p.176.

2 Dumanov Kh.M. The social structure of the Kabardians in the norms of adat. Nalchik, 1990, p.26.

both sexes." 1

Many issues related to family life, wedding ceremonies, family holidays in the past and present are quite reasonably covered in the works of Dumanova Kh.M., Mambetov G.Kh., Mafedzev S.Kh. For example, G.H. Mambetov and Kh.M. Dumanov, in co-authorship, devoted an article to the issues of the Kabardian wedding of the Soviet period. The authors, having carefully examined the forms of marriage, bride price, wedding ceremonies of the Kabardians of the pre-October period, showed serious changes that occurred during the years of Soviet power.

A great contribution to the study of the family and family life not only of the Kabardians, but also of the Balkars is the generalizing work “New and Traditional in the Culture and Life of the Kabardians and Balkars”, published in 1986. This work was written by a team of authors. The fifth chapter of the book is devoted to questions of the family and family life. The authors of this chapter are Kh.M. Dumanov, M.Ch. Kuchmezova, Ya.S. Smirnova. and Shikova T.T. It examines the forms, generational composition, size, type of family in the past and present. It covers the period of the 19th and the middle of the 20th centuries. It also explored issues of intra-family relations. The avoidance customs between the daughter-in-law and the groom's parents and between the groom and the bride's parents, as well as the attitude of the population of various socio-professional groups to the avoidance customs in the past and present, are written with deep analysis. 2

The works of S.Kh. Mafedzev on the problems of family life and the upbringing of children occupy a special place in ethnological science. In the works “Rites and ritual games of the Circassians”, “Essays on labor education”, “On the folk games of the Circassians” and “Intergenerational transmission of culture among the Adyghe peoples in the 19th-early 20th centuries.” are an encyclopedia on family life not only for Kabardians, but also for all Circassians.

"Mambetov G.Kh., Kh.M. Dumanov. Some issues of the modern Kabardian wedding. / Ethnography of the peoples of Kabardino-Balkaria, issue 1, Nalchik, 1977, p.62-81.

2 New and traditional in the culture and life of Kabardians and Balkars. The team of authors. Nalchik, 1986, G.5.S.111-174.

In developing the theoretical and methodological basis of our
research has significantly helped us the works of modern scientists
deeply working in the field of studying family problems or
touching on topics related to family life. It should be noted
contribution to the study of the family of such researchers as A.I. Antonov,
Yu.V. Harutyunyan, S.A. Arutyunov, Yu.V. Bromley, A.G. Volkov, V.K. Gardanov,
T.A. Gurko, L.M. Drobizheva, M.S. Matskovsky, Ya.S. Smirnova,

A.A. Susokolov, V.A. Tishkov, A.G. Kharchev, L.V. Chuiko, V.D. Shapiro, V.I. Yadov.

The most important theoretical and methodological principles,

Our work is based on system analysis, historical and logical approaches to phenomena and processes in the life of the family as a social institution and socio-psychological group. Within the framework of this study, mainly ethnological and ethno-sociological methods were used to study the evolution of the Kabardian family and intra-family relations. At the same time, in methodological terms, we rely on the conceptual constructions of researchers representing various schools and trends. Their practical rethinking makes it possible to enrich the theory and methodology of the ethno-sociological study of the family and intra-family relations.

The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that this work systematizes and reveals the main factors in the development of the Kabardian family at the present stage.

The main stages of the development of the Kabardian family, the trends of changes in its number, structure, life cycle, in their development and dynamics are revealed. The paper analyzes the factors that cause the crisis situation of the modern Kabardian family, reveals the methodological principles for determining the social functions of the family, and analyzes their changes in the process of society. At the same time, the specifics of the modern Kabardian family are reflected, a comparative analysis of the urban and rural families is carried out.

theoretical significance. In theoretical terms, the significance of the study lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of new data on trends in marriage and family relations of the Kabardian ethnic group at the present stage. The results of the work allow us to more meaningfully determine the impact of family and demographic policy on changing the social institution of family and marriage.

The practical significance of the study. The methodological conclusions obtained as a result of the research work carried out can be used to study the social structure of society, the interaction of the main social institutions to study the social processes taking place in modern society, as well as to analyze the national characteristics of the social structure of the Kabardian society.

The generalizations and conclusions given in the dissertation can be useful for further studying the family, developing a system of measures to improve its status, in order to focus public consciousness on increasing the stability of the family, family values, as well as for drawing up various programs aimed at its social support, coordination of activities various services dealing with family problems and family relations.

Along with this, the results of the study will expand the statistical fund that characterizes the social structure of the population of the republic, the size and composition of the family, the dynamics of qualitative and quantitative changes taking place in modern society.

Theoretical conclusions and generalizations can be used in universities in the training of specialists whose activities are related to the problems of the family and family relations, and the proposed recommendations will be useful to those who study the features of the formation and development of the Kabardian ethnic group.

The structure of this work is determined by the formulation of the problems considered in it and allows not only to trace the differences in

mechanisms of the internal functioning of various family models, to identify ways of strengthening intra-family and inter-family relationships that are characteristic of a particular type of family, but also to present the data obtained in the form of a dynamic series, on the basis of which prognostic judgments are possible. The dissertation work consists of an introduction, three chapters, including ten paragraphs, a conclusion and references.

The main provisions of the dissertation are set out in the following

publications:

1) Problems of studying the family and family life of Kabardians in the modern
stage // Sat. scientific articles "Bulletin" KBIGI, vol. 9. Nalchik, 2002, p.98-
118.

2) Sociological and demographic aspects of the modern family // Sat.
scientific articles of KBIB "Viva Vox", vol. 10. Nalchik, 2003, pp. 54-64.

3) Kabardian family: traditions and modernity. //. Nalchik, RAS KBNTs
IGI, 2004, p.104.

Types and composition of the Kabardian family in the past and present. // Sat. scientific articles of KBIB "Viva Vox", vol. 12. Nalchik, 2004, p. 147-156.

marriage rate. Marriage choice and matchmaking. // Journal "Literary Kabardino-Balkaria" No. 1. Nalchik, 2004, p. 236-242.

The modern urban family of the Kabardians. // Journal "Izvestiya KBNTS RAS". Nalchik, 2004.

Forms and size of the family

Forms of marriage and family largely depend on the economic development of society. Therefore, we can say that each historical period in the life of society corresponded to various forms of the family. Pointing to this important pattern, K. Marx noted that the family “should develop as society develops, and must change as society changes, just as it did in the past. It is a product of the social system." F. Engels also emphasized the influence of class societies on the formation of the family: “The family gives us a miniature picture of the same opposites and contradictions in which a society divided into classes moves.”2

As an important social institution of society, the family has performed and continues to perform a number of socially significant functions - the organization of production, the transfer of ethno-cultural norms, traditions, customs, etc. to new generations. An important stage in the development of the family was its large patriarchal form. The scientific definition of the place and role of the patriarchal family in the development of social forms was given by F. Engels. According to his concept, the patriarchal family community was a transitional form "from the family that arose from group marriage and based on mother's right to the individual family of the modern world." The family community, according to F. Engels, was a collective that covered several generations of the descendants of one father along with their wives, and they all lived together, in one yard, worked their fields together, ate and dressed from common stocks, and jointly owned a surplus of income. 3 In the North Caucasus, including among the Kabardians, the family community at a certain stage of historical development was widespread. Having arisen within the framework of the tribal system, it continued to exist in the conditions of feudal society. M.O. Kosven noted that “the family community, or the patriarchal family, was the main unit of the patriarchal tribal society. It consisted of three - four, sometimes up to seven generations of descendants, descending and lateral, one father, constituting one economy, based on collective ownership of land and fixed assets, as well as on the collective consumption of the products of this production. The number of such a family community sometimes reached several dozen people.

Patronymy was the result of a natural increase and division of the family community. The level of development of the productive forces and the corresponding social conditions set a limit to the growth of this community, it was divided, but in such a way that the smaller family groups that emerged from it retained economic, social and ideological unity among themselves in some respects and forms. They formed a special kindred group - patronymic, which “consisted of a smaller or larger number of separate, yet interconnected related families, descending from one common ancestor, bearing a common patronymic name, etc.” Patronymy in the Caucasus was first described by M. O. Kosven in 1931. It has its own names among the various peoples of the Caucasus. For Kabardians, this is "lepk".

In the Caucasus, in the past, patronymy usually occupied a separate village. Until recently, the Kabardians in the villages had patronymic quarters - “kheble”, which over time lost their exclusively patronymic character, when representatives of different patronymics found themselves in the same quarter. Until the beginning of the 20th century. in the North Caucasus, there were both small and large families. In a large family, the economy was carried out jointly under the leadership of the elder - “thyemade”. The size of a large family ranged from 20 to 60 people. As Mambetov G.Kh. notes, in the 19th century. family sections began to meet more often, especially after the abolition of serfdom, when small families consisting of two generations - parents and their children - already began to predominate. So, according to the family lists of 1886. in the village of Zhankhotovo, Big Kabarda, large families accounted for 22%. The preservation of large families was explained by the lack of land, the existence of remnants of patriarchal-clan relations, and the preservation of a subsistence economy.1

There was a division of labor among family members. As a rule, men were engaged in agriculture and cattle breeding, women were responsible for all the housework and a significant part of household chores, teenagers helped adults. In small families, women often participated in agricultural work: in caring for crops and harvesting, teenagers were early involved in peasant labor. Thus, among the Circassians already in the 19th century, especially as a result of the processes of decomposition of the subsistence economy that intensified in the post-reform period, the small, or nuclear family, became predominant. The large, or patriarchal, family survived mainly in the mountainous regions, which were less influenced by capitalist relations. In the pre-revolutionary past, the Circassians had many families of the so-called transitional type from a large family to a small family.2 According to A.I. Musukaev and A.I. Pershits, a large family and a family community should be distinguished as two different historical forms of a family that differ from each other those features that usually characterize the despotic family and the democratic family, the latter form of the family being historically earlier. The lowest independent structural units of the rural community - large families "unezeshzekhes" were patriarchal kinship and economic groups, which consisted of the closest relatives of two, three, and sometimes four generations along the descending and lateral lines, were characterized by collective property, common production and consumption, with correspondingly despotic , democratic or mixed governance. In the process of family development, the so-called family cycle operated. Small families grew and turned into extended large ones, i.e. having grown even more and having reached a certain threshold, they were again divided into small ones, and so on. Therefore, large and small families, as a rule, were adjacent to each other. Nevertheless, it should be noted that in the past, in connection with the natural and patriarchal way of life, there were more extended, large families, then small families became predominant.

Intra-family relations

Significant modifications have undergone property relations in the family. Previously, the entire structure of intra-family property relations was determined by the fact that a man in a traditional Kabardian family was considered a breadwinner, a woman - his dependent, which was usually regulated by legal norms. In a large family, public and private property of family members was distinguished. The property status of a woman in a small family did not have such a structured property as it was in a large family. The property of husband and wife in such families was distributed in different ways and at different times. The change in property status coincided in time with a change in the social, and consequently, in the intra-family division of labor. This was especially evident when women were involved in industrial production during the Great Patriotic War. It was then that the woman received new property rights. From now on, the property of the family not only legally, but actually belonged to all its adult members. It should be recognized that this was a major social achievement, as a result of which a woman is practically equal in rights with a man in one of the decisive spheres of society.

Property relations in the old Kabardian family corresponded to the whole way of interpersonal relations. By virtue of tradition, all family members were completely subordinate to its head, as a rule, to an older man. But it would be wrong to see in the patriarchal power of the head of a large or small family only despotism, and even more so - arbitrariness in relation to households. Family members obeyed the head implicitly. At his first call, his wife, daughter, son appeared. They were obliged to fulfill with accuracy any of his desires or instructions. Disputes and squabbles with the "thamada" were considered a gross violation of intra-family etiquette, the principle of honoring elders. In the presence of the head of the family, no one dared to sit down; when he appeared, everyone stood up. None of the family members ate at the same table with him, with the exception of grandchildren and great-grandchildren. No one started eating before the elder had finished eating. He was invariably served the best, most prestigious dishes. Until the return of her husband, the wife did not go to bed and did not even dare to make her bed, not because of fear, but out of respect for him. The honor with which the household surrounded the head of the family developed in him a certain manner, sanctioned by etiquette, of staying in the family circle. He did everything without haste, fuss, spoke little, but impressively, with a sense of self-esteem, avoided jokes, expressed indignation or approval not so much with a word as with a look, facial expression, gesture. Severity in relations with households and, first of all, with his wife was combined with tolerance and courtesy.

A family in which the younger ones disobeyed the elders, did not follow the elementary rules of intra-family etiquette, was considered dysfunctional. She was rarely visited, referring to the fact that there are no elders or younger people in this house, that you will not find etiquette or cape there. It is not for nothing that the character of an individual, his entire moral character, is directly connected with the characteristics of the family of which he is a member. Among the Kabardians, a dysfunctional house is called “unafenshe une” (“house deprived of leadership”), “unezekhemybz” (fuzzy, unclear house).1

To receive such an assessment meant to bring disgrace not only to family members, but to the entire clan, therefore, the older clans, who were entrusted with the lion's share of responsibility for order in the entire clan, sought to maintain the honor of the family name in every possible way. In addition to strict control over the performance of household duties, this was achieved by benevolence, tolerance, modesty, and respect for the weaker sex. The position of the eldest woman in a large Kabardian family is noteworthy. Dominating over the female half of the house, she had a high personal status, just like her husband in the male half. The position of the Kabardian "uneguashche", like the older women in the families of other peoples of the Caucasus, has long attracted the attention of Caucasian scholars. Such a high rank is more likely due to the existing sexual division of household duties, which did not allow men to interfere in the activities of women. Therefore, the head of the family had to grant i significant autonomy to the mistress of the house. The difference in the status of a man and a woman all over the world has arisen because a man considers himself a giver, earner, breadwinner, while a woman regards herself as a receiving party. But who said that the value of the recipient must necessarily be belittled? And if there is no one to receive, then what good will the giver be? And vice versa. There is no superiority or inferiority complex in this. In fact, both harmoniously complement and depend on each other. Both the receiver and the giver are interdependent; they are connected together. These are not two different and separate objects, rather, they are two sides of the same coin, where one gives and the other receives.

However, usually the very concept of the giver creates in his mind the idea of ​​humiliation by him on the receiving side, but there is no reason why the receiver should also feel disadvantaged. Much is connected with this, and, above all, the ingrained belief that the position of a woman is secondary to that of a man. Not only men, even women have accepted this concept. In fact, everyone is important in his place: he is like a man, she is like a woman. No secondary roles; both complement each other.

Forms of marriage

Many interesting points are revealed by the analysis of various forms of marriage.1 There are four forms of marriage, respectively, four forms of marriage. Let's arrange them in order of prevalence: 1) marriage through matchmaking, with the consent of all interested parties - "nysashe" (fyzyshe); 2) marriage without matchmaking, by agreement of the bride and groom and her relatives - “kekh-kashe”; 3) kidnapping or kidnapping, that is, taking away a girl without the consent of her relatives, and sometimes without her own consent - “uneidzyhye” (uneryue); 4) unauthorized departure of the bride with the groom, when their marriage is opposed by relatives of both parties - “dekguase”.

Behind this classification are the fates of people, the history of human relationships. It is no coincidence that the Circassians, like other peoples of the world, consider marriage an act of extreme importance, on which depends not only the life of individuals, but society. Within the framework of this paragraph, it will hardly be possible to cover even a small part of these relations. Therefore, we confine ourselves to a brief description of each type of marriage.

1. "Nysashe" (fizyshe). This is the most common and, according to popular opinion, the most decorous form of marriage. Apparently, this is due to the fact that the senior parents of the bride and groom lead the process of creating a new family. Through third parties, the groom informs about his intention to marry the girl he likes.

Parents first find out who this girl is, what family she is from, and then decide on matchmaking. Often the parents or close relatives of a young man themselves choose a bride and marry him, of course, with his consent. Two or three respectable middle-aged men are sent to the bride's house. One of them is a relative of the groom. More often than not, he is the groom's maternal or paternal uncle. The bride's parents greet the matchmakers politely, but without special honors (they don't even set the table). After an exchange of general phrases common in such cases, the matchmakers talk about the purpose of the visit. The bride's parents respond with restraint, they do not specifically promise anything, they say, "we will take your proposal into account, we will consult."

Matchmakers receive the final answer after the second or third visit. Meanwhile, the bride's relatives learn as much as possible about the groom's family, and, of course, about the groom himself. First of all, they ask the bride, her consent is the main and indispensable condition. In the past, two trusted persons were sent there to get acquainted with the groom's house, with his wealth. They were received as honored guests. This visit was called - "unaple", that is, an inspection of the house.

If the bride's parents were satisfied with the results of such "reconnaissance", they gave their consent. And then everything went according to the scenario of a traditional Kabardian wedding. 2. "Keh-kashe". Arranged marriage is a simplified version of matchmaking. In this case, the bride is “given away” to the groom immediately, without matchmaking. The act of transfer takes place more often in the house of the bride's relatives. The advantage of this form is seen, firstly, in accelerating the process of marriage, and secondly, in saving money. And in fact, an arranged marriage cuts off the long stage of courtship and the solemn, crowded, usually very luxuriously furnished removal of the bride from her house. At the same time, wedding expenses are reduced both from the side of the groom's relatives, who are obliged to come for the bride with rich gifts, and from the side of the bride's parents - in this case, they need to receive and generously treat more than a dozen guests. Only guests from the groom's side usually come in seven to ten or more cars, including buses. In the past, the cortege behind the bride was accompanied by horsemen, the so-called "fizyshe shu".

Despite the obvious benefits of arranged marriage, public opinion of the Circassians has always preferred marriage through matchmaking. An important role was given to the fact that the wedding was solemn, with traditional songs and games during the removal of the bride from the parental home. 3. "Uneidzyhye" (uneryue). Violence is the main element of kidnapping. The groom and his friends attacked the bride's house, grabbed her and took her away by force. Hence the other name for abduction - "uneryue", which literally meant "invasion of the house." However, the bride could be caught on the street, and in any other place, for example, at a dance in full view of a large crowd of people. There were also such cases when a young man took a girl directly from some kind of celebration - calendar holidays, weddings, etc.

Bride kidnapping, generally speaking, was by no means a safe matter. The father, brothers and other relatives of the bride, having overtaken the kidnapper, could injure and even kill him. At present, this happens very rarely until an agreement is reached with the girl's parents. Of course, this is not the house of the groom himself, but some unsuspected house of his relative or friend. There, the bride is courted in every possible way, persuaded, in general, persuaded to marry. On the same day or the next, two very respectable men, relatives of the groom, are sent to the bride's parents to tell her parents: "Your daughter has become our daughter-in-law." In such cases, the bride's relatives demanded a particularly large ransom for her - for the insult. They say that in the past, angry parents sent several horsemen to the groom's house, who, without ceremony, drove off all the cattle the family had.

wedding ceremonies

The central place in the ritual life of the Kabardians, like that of all the peoples of the North Caucasus, was occupied by wedding rituals. It always takes place among the Caucasian peoples, including the Kabardians, very solemnly and magnificently. This is understandable. Marriage is the most important event in human life. This is a means of establishing strong ties with a new circle of relatives, and it should be formalized accordingly. Hence those numerous and lengthy ceremonies, accompanied by large expenses for the marriage ransom and dowry, as well as the wedding gift exchange between the parties of the bride and groom, wedding treats. As it turned out according to the survey materials, 70.5% of the urban and 90% of the rural population are familiar with traditional wedding rites.

As S. Mafedzev rightly notes, as long as there is a person, as long as the family exists, the wedding is immortal, because it is the basis of the life of the family, the beginning of a new family, part of life. Moreover, weddings are one of the main rituals in any national culture. A kind of mirror, which reflects many aspects of the ethnic essence of the people, its history. Wedding ceremonies, rituals are the result of the search of more than one generation, they show notches of the distant past, marks of social, economic, formational vicissitudes through which the people went. Every episode, every detail of the wedding ceremony testifies to this. Before becoming part of the custom, it had a real, magical or religious basis.

As noted in the historical literature, the bride after marriage for some time remained in the house of her parents. During this period, her not very elderly relatives and neighbors were preparing the bride for a future family life. Among the Circassians, this period is called "zheshshchys" - night gatherings. The bride was taught the rules of behavior in a new family, they explained what customs of avoidance exist between family members. They also taught her the rules of intimate life, starting from the wedding night, and so on.

The parties prepared for the wedding with great care. All details were discussed in advance. Prepared national dishes designed specifically for this ceremony. In accordance with the ancient custom of mutual assistance, it is still customary for women to bring food with them - chickens, sweets; and men were supposed to bring with them something more weighty, already since the post-reform period, more often money. Recently, a kind of tradition has begun to take shape, when the closest relatives and close people in general bring gold items as a gift to the bride and groom. Their quantity and quality depended on the social affiliation of the bride and groom. All relatives, neighbors, friends of the bride and groom were informed about the upcoming wedding and its dates in advance.

The central place in the wedding ceremonies was occupied by the transfer of the bride to the groom's house - "fizyshe". For transportation, a cart was required, later a cart, tent-like covered with red material. The riders (“shu guse”) who accompanied the cortege “fyzyshe” prepared horses, saddles, special spare wedding caftans (“fyzyshe keptal”) in advance, because. the youth of the village where the bride lived, according to ancient customs, had the right to take away their clothes from the riders, giving their old ones in return. Those who went for the bride took with them various foods and drinks (“fyzyshe fend” or “guemyle”). The girl's family and her relatives were also preparing to receive and treat the participants in the process.

Along with horse-drawn escorts, the bride was transported by a dzhaguakiuz (folk singer) on a horse, an accordion player and a woman who rode a cart. All of them were under the leadership of the person responsible for the transportation of the bride (“fizyshe t'emade”). He clearly defined in advance the duties of individual members of the procession, for example, who should carry the wedding banner (fyzyshe nyp), etc. The banner was handed over to the best rider, who was supposed to take care of him like the apple of his eye, they determined who should go for the bride, who should carry her, who should look after the safety of their horses, saddles, arba, its wheels, etc.

Having overcome all obstacles, the procession with the wedding song (“fizyshe uered”) entered the yard of the girl’s parents. They were cordially received, treated, given booze, numerous toasts (“huehhu”) were pronounced, in which wishes were expressed to all those present and relatives of health and happiness, and to the young - a long happy life. For example, it was customary to pronounce such a toast - hoh: Let the daughter-in-law be kind, She will leave her blessed heels here, She will set foot on them with a happy toe, She is in agreement with everyone, Her meek disposition is her decoration, She will please her relatives, And where she went - to her in joy, May it multiply their goodness. Khabze for her is not a burden and not servility, She is a master of all trades, The younger ones are loved by her, She misses the older ones. She is like glue for friendship in the house, Her mind and thoughts are beautiful, In big and small she is an example, Hardworking, caring, She pampers the little ones, Caresses adults, Does not share her children, Her father-in-law is pleased with her, She is a support for her mother-in-law, Affairs with they argue about it, the new multiplies. Hoh! I say

Let her be like that!1 The youth danced, had fun, sang songs, the newcomers competed with the local youth in singing, dancing, wit. Dzhaguakiz tirelessly made laugh, amused the audience.

After the meal, the manager of the wedding transport sent one horseman for the bride, who was in one of the rooms surrounded by friends and women. He had to touch the bride's sleeve and lift her up. But the women surrounding her began to “bargain”, demanded an increase in the ransom, and finally agreed (“bshkheubydypshch”). But according to custom, it was necessary to pay a ransom for the rising of the bride (“getejipshDe”). Having overcome these "obstacles", the young man brought the bride to the threshold, then he took her in his arms, carried her out and put her in a cart. This was called the withdrawal of the bride. When the wedding procession set off, the youth closed the gates of the bride's parents' house and did not let the guests out until the latter paid a ransom for her (“kuabzhe dene”). When passing through the village, young people in various places arranged barriers and did not let the procession through, demanding a ransom.

They also made a stop at the border of the village, where they organized another treat, again competed in horse races, shooting, horse riding, played caps carry away (“py1ezef1eh”). The youth tried to carry away the hats of the guests. After the end of the fun, the procession went home.

Kabardian weddings are a fun and beautiful celebration. This important holiday does not pass without quarrels and conflicts. Disputes arise due to the fact that the traditional action, which is based on ancient customs, lasts several years. First, the groom, with the help of his relatives, is looking for a candidate for the role of the bride. Then the closest relatives go to the house of the chosen one and ask her father for the hand and heart of their daughter. If he agreed, then the families agree on the kalym. An affirmative answer was often not given immediately, so the bride had to be wooed many times. When the families decided on the kalym, it was the turn of the bride. Young people got engaged after a short period of time. These actions corresponded to a very strict ritual, from the rules of which it was forbidden to deviate. After the young man made a part of the agreed bride price, he received the right to take his beloved out of his home. This process is also subject to certain rules.

The bride was supposed to live in one house, and the groom in another. The young man was forbidden to see his relatives. The most strict attitude was towards the meetings of the groom with the bride and the elders. The bride was brought to the young man after a long time. To begin with, she was shown a room in which a young family would live. A few weeks later she was shown the common room. This description can be called a brief retelling of the whole essence of Kabardian weddings. In fact, there are many more rituals. However, they do without many rituals and traditions. Today, at these holidays, you can see the costumes of the people and funny dances. Some Kabardians do not approve of such innovations. What makes them so angry?

Modern traditions of Kabardian weddings

In modern Kabardian weddings there is a ritual of bride kidnapping. The girl is also settled in the house of relatives. However, unlike the old days, the potential bride was asked for consent after the arrival of her parents. After an affirmative answer, the girls invited the Imam to the house, who entered into a marriage between people in love. In general, almost all holidays, including weddings, these people celebrate at home. People are not accustomed to celebrating this solemn day in any establishments. If the girl refused, then she can go to her home. This is an innovation that did not exist before. After the conclusion of a Muslim marriage, the bride and groom begin preparations for the wedding. Have you heard about taking the sheets out of the house after the wedding night? So, this rite is contrary to Islamic traditions. However, many people still do this. On the day of the wedding celebration, it is forbidden to connect representatives of the opposite sex. Tradition says that women and men should celebrate the solemn day separately from each other. The bride should not show herself to those present.

What are they, modern weddings of the people? These are expensive cars, stylish people in fashionable outfits, girls in beautiful dresses, the work of a wedding operator. Can such a wedding be called bad? Many people will say that such a holiday can be called a shame, because the people lose their individuality, adopting traditions from European countries. Others believe that sooner or later the notes of European weddings would still violate the usual traditions, so there is nothing bad and forbidden here. Whose opinion can be called correct? Probably, only relatives of the newlyweds can answer such a question. They will decide whether it is worth keeping the generally accepted traditions or whether it is necessary to bring some fresh ideas into the wedding.

Even the worst enemy could come to visit the Kabardian, but while he was in the kunatskaya, no harm could be done to him: he was treated and tried to provide everything necessary. When receiving a guest, the usual moderation in food was forgotten and everything that was in the house was served. The most honored guest usually ate alone, and only after his persistent requests did the host take part in the meal. If the guest was equal in age and position to the host, they ate together, and then the remaining food was passed on to the rest of those present. Anyone who insulted a person who was visiting paid the owner a fine in the amount of several dozen heads of cattle. In the case of the murder of a guest, the fine increased five times, not counting the retribution for the crime itself.

Kabardians had a widespread “atalyism” - admission to families for the upbringing of boys. The teacher - atalyk and his wife called their pupil "my son". Upon reaching the age of majority, the atalyk had to “equip” him to return to his home, that is, provide him with a horse, weapons and rich clothes. The arrival of the pupil to the parental home was arranged very solemnly, and the atalyk returned to his place with gifts, which included cattle, weapons and sometimes slaves. During his marriage, the pupil made a valuable gift to the atalyk.

Girls were also given up for education. During their stay in the caregiver's house, they learned various women's work and handicrafts, as well as housekeeping. At the end of education until marriage, the girls lived in the house of their parents. Kalym (ransom) for the bride was given to the atalyk.

Adoption was considered acceptance into the genus. The adopted person was entrusted with all duties and rights in relation to the clan as a whole and to the family that adopted him. According to the established rite, the adoptee had to publicly touch the naked breast of his named mother three times with his lips.

In the same way, the fraternal union between the two men was consolidated. The wife or mother of one of them had to perform the corresponding ceremony. Touching a woman's breasts with her lips served as sufficient reason to stop the blood feud. If the killer in any way - by force or cunning - touched the chest of the mother of the murdered, then he became her son, a member of the genus of the murdered and was not subject to blood feud.

For a long time, the custom of kidnapping the bride was preserved among the Kabardians. The kidnapping inevitably caused quarrels between the girl's relatives and the kidnappers and often led to murders.

The wedding ceremony stretched in the past for more than one year. Having chosen the bride, the groom made an offer through his relatives. In case of obtaining consent, the parties agreed on the amount of bride price and the procedure for its payment. Some time later, the bride's bride and the betrothal of the young took place. After a certain period of time, the groom brought in most of the bride price. A few months later, the ritual of taking the bride out of her house was performed. At the same time, a group of friends of the groom went for the bride and conducted a long bargain. The girl for the ceremony was dressed in a national dress. According to custom, the bride's relatives and girlfriends opposed the exit of the bride from the house, but having received a ransom, the bride was released.

The newlywed was with one of his friends and could visit his wife, who lived in another house, only at night and secretly. His relationship with the owner of the house where he lived was considered an establishment of kinship, equal to blood. At the end of a certain period, the newlywed was transported on a cart to her husband's estate. She was placed in a specially prepared room, which then became the home of the newlyweds. Traditions required the newlyweds to perform the rite of "reconciliation" with their relatives, which, according to custom, was held at night. Until that moment, the groom avoided meeting with relatives and old people of the village. The rite consisted in the fact that, having appeared in his native house, he received refreshments from his father and the older men of the village. After two or three days, a dinner was arranged for the groom, his mother and other women. Only a week later, the rite of entry of the young wife into the common room was performed. At the same time, she was treated to a mixture of butter and honey, and also showered with nuts and sweets, "so that life is rich and sweet." Some time after the wedding, the wife went to visit her parents' house. Then she returned to her husband (in the old days only after the birth of a child), changed the girl's headdress for a married woman's scarf and received the right to participate in all household work under the guidance of her mother-in-law.

The husband had the right to divorce without giving a reason. A wife could formally demand a divorce for some reason (husband's infidelity, inability to "marital cohabitation"), but this happened very rarely. After the death of her husband, the widow, according to custom, sometimes married his brother. In the event of a divorce or a widow's marriage to a stranger, the children remained in the husband's family.

At the same time, Kabardian etiquette often put a woman in a preferable position. For example, seated men, even if they were gray-bearded old men, always got up when a woman or young girl appeared. The rider, having met a woman, was obliged to dismount; seeing off the woman, the man conceded to her the honorable right side.

The birth of a boy was celebrated with a competition game - “tying smoked cheese”. Two high, up to eight meters, pillars with a strong crossbar were dug in the courtyard. Smoked cheese was tied to it, and next to it was an oiled leather rope. Competitors had to get on the rope to the cheese, bite off a piece and receive a prize for this - a pouch, a case, a bridle.

A few days after the birth of the child, a ceremony was held to “tie the child into a cradle”. It was believed that the happiest children grew up from a cradle, the posts of which were made of hawthorn, and not carried across the river. According to the highlanders, the hawthorn had great vitality, strength and "kindness".

The burial of the Kabardians was performed according to the Muslim rite. Grave monuments depicted items that the deceased might need in the afterlife. Previously, wooden images of these objects were placed on the graves.

The wake was held in the guest house. In the same place, until the expiration of the year, the clothes and things of the deceased were located as a sign that they were ready to take the deceased back at any time. At the same time, the clothes of the deceased were hung inside out and covered with a transparent cloth. Within a week, but no later than ten days after death, they arranged the reading of the Koran. Usually, two or three days before this, the ceremony of distributing the clothes of the deceased to neighbors and the poor was performed. For forty days, donuts were fried every Thursday evening and distributed along with sweets to neighbors. At the annual commemoration, prize races, shooting at a target and children climbing on a greased pole, on top of which a basket with prizes was tied, were arranged.

Traditional ancient beliefs were reflected in Kabardian rituals. The thunder god Shible personified the cult of fertility. After the first spring thunderstorm, the Kabardians poured water over their wicker granaries with the words: "God grant us abundance." They also had a cult of the wolf. For example, a person suspected of stealing was given a lit wolf vein in his hands or forced to jump over it, believing that if the suspicions were solid, then the thief would become spoiled or die. The rite of treatment of the child consisted in dragging him under the skin of a wolf, after which a piece of the skin and a bone from the wolf's mouth were hung from the cradle.

Many rituals were closely connected with agriculture. These included making rain during a drought, fighting locusts. The god Thashkho was considered the patron of agriculture and fertility. In the spring, before leaving for plowing, a feast was held in his honor, accompanied by sacrifices, horse races, shooting, dancing and games. A goat was most often sacrificed, less often a ram. At the same time, they asked the deity of fertility to grant a good harvest.

The first furrow was marked in the same way. Of the experienced old people, the eldest was chosen. He was in charge of the work order. The signal for the beginning and end of work, as well as the lunch break, was given by raising and lowering a flag on a pole near the elder's hut. There was always a mummer in the field, who amused the plowmen during their rest hours. The most witty guy in a felt mask with horns, a white beard, sewn with metal pendants and shreds acted as a mummer. He had wooden weapons, could play a trick on everyone, judge with his own court and impose punishments. The mummer fined all passers-by, and the money or food collected by him in the form of fines was used during the holiday of the return of the plowmen to the village. The custom of joint plowing continued until the end of the 19th century.

The Kabardians also celebrated the end of plowing with a big spring holiday, at which a quadrangular piece of yellow cloth on a cart symbolized a large harvest and ripe grain. The plowmen who returned from the field were doused with water, which should have contributed to a good harvest.

Traditionally, holidays were held to mark the end of the harvest. After harvesting the millet, they performed the rite of “removing the sickle” - those who returned from harvesting hung one of the sickles around the neck of the mistress of the house. She could take it off only after organizing the festive table.

The Kabardians especially noted the application of the brand to young horses. Horses were branded with a "signet" - a figuratively curved iron plate mounted on the end of a metal rod. A special sign - tamga (in the past it was a generic sign) was burned with a red-hot "signet" on the horse's croup. Tamga was also found on other objects, for example, on the doors of the kunatskaya, on bowls, musical instruments, grave monuments. Using someone else's tamgi-taur was considered a crime.

All folk holidays were accompanied by dances, songs and games of a paramilitary nature: horse races, shooting at targets at a gallop, horsemen fighting for a sheepskin, fighting horsemen and footmen armed with sticks.

Kabardian folklore includes many different genres. In the ancient epic "Narts" the labor energy and military prowess of the people are expressed with great artistic power.

Very ancient are the good wishes proclaimed at the beginning of plowing and other work, as well as during a wedding. A large place in folklore is occupied by everyday and satirical tales and legends. Crying songs for the dead are distinguished by vivid figurativeness. Folk songs are divided into labor, ritual, lyrical, hunting.

Kabardian musical instruments are diverse: schichapshina (bow-stringed) and apapshina (plucked), nakira (wind), pkhachich (percussion), and pshina (harmonica).

Traditional activities

The traditional occupations of the Kabardians are arable farming, horticulture and transhumance. Cattle breeding is represented mainly by horse breeding, the Kabardian breed of horses has gained worldwide fame. The Kabardians also bred large, small cattle and poultry. Trades and crafts were developed: men's - blacksmithing, weapons, jewelry, women's - fulling, felt, gold embroidery.

National clothes

On ordinary days, national women's clothing included a dress, harem pants, a tunic-shaped shirt, a long toe-length swing dress on top, silver and gold belts and bibs, a cap embroidered with gold, and morocco dudes.

The national men's costume included, as a rule, a Circassian coat with a stacked silver belt and a dagger, a papakha, and morocco boots with leggings; outerwear - cloak, sheepskin coat.

Beshmet was girdled with the so-called saber belt, that is, a leather belt decorated with copper and silver plaques, to which a dagger and a saber were attached.

Kabardian national cuisine

The traditional food of Kabardians is boiled and fried lamb, beef, turkey, chicken, broths from them, sour milk, cottage cheese. Dried and smoked lamb is widespread, from which barbecue is made. Meat dishes are served with pasta (cooked millet porridge). Traditional celebratory drink with a moderate alcohol content - makhsim, is made from millet flour with malt.

Family

At least until the nineteenth century, the extended family prevailed. Then the small family became widespread, but its way of life remained patriarchal. The power of the father of the family, the subordination of the younger elders and women to men are reflected in etiquette, including avoidance between spouses, parents and children, each of the spouses and older relatives of the other. There was a neighborhood-community and family-patronymic organization with family exogamy, neighborly and kindred mutual assistance.

NEWS ANNOUNCEMENT

On January 22, the British edition of The Daily Telegraph released a list of twelve cities in the world that every self-respecting traveler should visit.

Twelve cities - the number is not random - according to the number of months in a year. Every month in a new city - why not a traveler's dream? Starting from January, such world pearls as Venice, London, Seville, Brussels, Oslo are offered to the attention of tourists. But in June, following the recommendations, you need to go to St. Petersburg. Of all Russia, the choice fell on the Northern capital with its white nights, drawbridges, museums and theaters. The publication also recommends visiting the filming locations of the new film adaptation of Leo Tolstoy's immortal novel "War and Peace" produced by the Air Force.

After St. Petersburg, you should visit Berlin, Siena, Bordeaux, New York and Marrakech. Well, you can complete a trip lasting a year in Vienna.

Petersburg is expecting a tourism boom this year. If in 2015 the northern capital was already visited by a record number of tourists - six and a half million people, then in 2016 this figure is expected to increase by a third.

Three Russian museums are in the top 100 in terms of popularity. Among them is the State Hermitage Museum, which is among the ten most popular museums in the world. What place he took, read in our material.

We will be happy to post your photos and other materials about the reserved places in Russia.

We are already receiving submissions from our readers and can be found here:

Bzhahokova Mariana. Institute of Business, Nalchik, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Russia
Essay in English with translation. Nomination Other.

Customs and Traditions of Kabardians

I descend from a very remarkable nation, which is called Caucasians; in particular, it is Kabardians. They are one of the twelve Caucasian tribes, and I want to acquaint the rest of the world with traditions and customs of Caucasians.

Since olden times they were famous for their traditions, which played an enormous importance in upbringing children. First of all, they were inspired by love to life. To my mind, it is a very big happiness to live on the earth and every person must stay alive longer, because he must try to bring as much as possible benefit for relatives and for native land.

Kabardians paid great attention to physical training, tempering to the cold. Children from the earliest years acted moderately and led a regular lifestyle. Sharl de'Bess, a Hungarian scientist wrote: “Caucasians are very restrained; they are temperate in their food. Owing to their temperate they don’t know many illnesses and they reach a great age.” Shora Nogmov, a Kabardian poet wrote: “our fathers thought that the ability to be a master of weapons is the main duty of every person and to practice this skill gives him beauty, adroitness and agility in motions.” As for the mental education, kabardians highly appreciate mind, wisdom and knowledge, because a man is valued for his mind, but not for his wealth and you must look not at the speaker, but you must pay attention on what he tells.

The moral quality, morality, honor and conscience are valued by our people. In the past real mountain-dweller could sacrifice his life but not only to lose his honor and conscience. Honor was valued higher than wealth and everyone tied his happiness with it.

The base of the behavior is Adiga Khabza. It is the standards of traditional behavior. Every Kabardian must show the best correlation with it. The most important demands are love to native land, love to nation, and respectfulness to the elders, to the woman and to the work.

The big attention in upbringing was paid to modesty, tolerance, and indulgence. It was a disgrace to the man to speak about his own merits. They talked about their striking heroic deeds without emotions and very briefly. As far as possible they didn't say the word "I".

It was a tactless action to speak about son's and daughter's merits. Also, it wasn't permissible to show excessive curiosity. It's connected with another custom of hospitality.

In the past people built special house for guests, the name of which was Kunazkaja. These buildings had a small court, a stable and a toilet. These houses were situated not far from the gates. So, every traveler or guest could call in on the way.

If your guest was chased for killing by deadly enemy, the owner of the house was responsible not only for his name, but for his life too.

The guest wasn't asked about his name, where he was from, and the reason of his arrival. The guest had to give to know about himself in 3 days. Food, which was prepared for guests was various and tasty. The guest wasn't delivered up to the enemies and he was often seen off to the safe people.

I am proud of my nation and I know that traditions and customs of our ancestors are very important for every Caucasian. I hope that we will be revere and always remember them in the future.

I come from a very prominent people - the Circassians, in particular the Kabardians. This is one of the 12 tribes of the Circassians, and I would like to introduce other people to the traditions and customs of the Circassians.

They have long been famous for their traditions, which played a huge role in the upbringing of the younger generation. First of all, the love of life was inspired. After all, living on earth is a great happiness, and each person needs to live more in order to have time to bring as much as possible for their loved ones and for their homeland.

Kabardians paid great attention to physical education, tempering children from an early age, eating moderately and leading a healthy lifestyle. The Hungarian scientist Charles de'Besse wrote: “The Circassians are very reserved, they are moderate in food. Thanks to moderation, they do not know many diseases and live to a ripe old age.

Shora Nogmov, a Kabardian writer, wrote: “Our fathers believed that the ability to use weapons is the main duty of every person, that exercise in this art gives him beauty, dexterity and agility in movements.”

As for mental education, the Kabardians highly valued intelligence, wisdom, and knowledge. After all, a person is valued according to his mind, Anna according to wealth, and one should look not at the speaker, but at what he says.

Moral qualities, morality, honor and conscience were highly valued and are now valued by our people. A real highlander could sacrifice his life in order not to lose his honor and conscience. They valued honor above any wealth, linking a person's happiness with it.

The basis of behavior is Adyga Khabze. This is a set of rules of conduct, and everyone was obliged to adhere to these rules. The most important requirements of Adyge Khabze are: love for the motherland, for their people, respect for elders, for women, for work.

Much attention was paid to the education of modesty, tolerance and condescension. It was considered a great shame for a man to talk about his own merits. Even bright feats they tried to convey briefly and without emotion. When possible, they did not use the word "I". It was considered tactless to talk about the virtues of a son or daughter. Etiquette did not allow excessive curiosity. Another custom of hospitality is connected with this. It was impossible to question the guest if he himself did not want to talk about himself, his goals. Many travelers and eyewitnesses of the life of the Circassians were surprised at their hospitality.

For guests, people built houses, which they called kunatsky. They had a small yard, a stable and a toilet. They were located near the gate. This was done so that any passing traveler or guest could enter any courtyard without hesitation.

For the guest, persecuted by the bloodlines for the murder, the host answered not only with his name, but also with his life.

The guest was not asked for his name, or where and why he was going. The guest himself, no later than 3 days later, made themselves felt to the owner. The guest's food was varied and tasty, and the guest was never handed over to the enemy and was often escorted to safety.

I am proud of my people and I know that the traditions and customs of their ancestors are important for every Circassian, and I hope that we will honor and remember them in the future.