Genre structure of folklore. Wedding songs, glorifications and lamentations in Russian folklore

Russian wedding ritual, history of formation.
For the basis of modern Russian rite weddings were taken as established traditions by the nineteenth and first quarter of the twentieth century. It finally took shape presumably in the middle of the fourteenth century on the basis of the all-Slavic wedding ceremony. The written materials of this period contain a brief description of weddings using the words familiar to our ears: “groom”, “wedding”, “bride”, “wedding”, “matchmakers”. There are also preserved old miniatures and drawings depicting wedding feasts and marriage ceremonies. In the sixteenth century, judging by the description of princely weddings, a nomenclature of wedding rites was formed and their functions were determined, special wedding clothes, paraphernalia, food, wedding folklore arose.

In the villages of the Vladimir province, the bride lamented about her free life, sitting with the girls on a bench near her house. All the women of the village ran to her lamentations. In the Yaroslavl province, the bride and her friends wailed in the middle of the village, at the house of her relatives, at the hut where the gatherings took place. The finale of the bachelorette party was the so-called farewell to the "virgin beauty", held on the eve of the wedding in the bride's house in the presence of parents, sisters, brothers and friends. Almost throughout Russia, the symbol of girlhood was the "braid - a girl's beauty." A ritual of farewell to the bride with the scythe was carried out: first, the braid was braided, the bride was sold, and then untwisted again. They braided it in such a way that it would be as difficult to unweave it later: they woven ribbons, cords, braid, stuck in pins and even sewed them up with threads. All this was accompanied by the sad songs of the girls and the lamentations of the bride. After braiding, the bride's friends or the brother of the bride bargained with the groom's boyfriend, asking for a bride price. After receiving the ransom, the girls untwisted the braid while singing songs. An old wedding song, performed at a bachelorette party, says:

Lei-fields, Volga-river,
Volga-river, steep banks!
Take care, dear father,
You are your Fedosya-soul!
Today, Fedosya-soul has a girl's evening,
Tomorrow Petrovna has a busy day:
They will lead Fedosya-soul to the judgment of God,
To the judgment of God, to the golden crown,
It is terrible to stand, it is terrible to stand at the court of God!
From the court, from the court of God - to someone else's priest,
To someone else's father, to a non-native.
The court of God's head hurts,
Under the golden crown, the legs are breaking!

Loose hair showed the bride's readiness for marriage, symbolized the first step towards married life. Ribbons from the braid of a friend were divided among themselves. In the northern provinces of European Russia, in the Middle and Upper Volga regions, in Siberia, in Altai, as a farewell to the “virgin beauty”, the bride in the company of her friends visited the bathhouse. The bridesmaids heated the bath early in the morning, accompanying this process with special songs. Then they took the bride by the hand, sitting in the front corner of the hut, and led her into the bathhouse. At the head of this procession was the groom's friend, who read curses from evil spirits, waved a whip and sprinkled the bride with grain. The process of washing in the bath was quite lengthy, the bride was hovered with a birch broom, with ribbons, they poured kvass, beer on the stove, sprinkled it with grain. All this was accompanied by singing and lamentations.

Molodechnik.
Molodechnik symbolized the groom's farewell to single life and was held in the groom's house on the last pre-wedding day, or early in the morning on the wedding day. It was attended by the parents, relatives and friends of the groom. Food was collected for those present, wedding songs were sung. After that, the groom's relatives, or he himself went to the bride with gifts. This rite was not very common, it was found only in some villages of European Russia.

Wedding train.
This tradition is the departure of the bride and groom to the church for the wedding. Early in the morning in the groom's house on the day of the wedding, friends, one or two girlfriends, the godparents of the groom, an early matchmaker (a close relative of the groom) who participated in the manufacture and baking of the loaf (her duties included sprinkling the train with grain), assistant matchmaker, uncle or best man who accompanied the groom to the crown, the boyars are friends and relatives of the groom. In different regions of Russia, the composition of the wedding train could vary. The groom's parents, according to tradition, were not present at the wedding. They were preparing for the meeting of the newlyweds and the wedding feast itself. For the bride, the travelers rode in sledges in winter, in autumn on koshevs, carts, and carts. The horses were very carefully prepared for this event: they were fed with oats, cleaned, combed their tails and manes. For the wedding, they were decorated with ribbons, harness with bells, bells, and the sleigh was covered with carpets and pillows.

Wedding train in Moscow (XVII century). 1901. Oil . Andrey Ryabushkin.

He headed the train of a friend, while he chose a smooth road to the bride, so that "the life of a young couple was smooth, without quarrels." On the way to the bride, the villagers met the train and blocked the way in every possible way: they locked the entrance gates, stretched the ropes. As a ransom, the friend offered wine, sweets, fruits, nuts and gingerbread. At the bride's house, her bridesmaids met the train, closed the gates and sang songs about the groom and his retinue, as about lovers who had come to pick up their girlfriend. Druzhka led the procession, brandishing a whip, as if clearing the road of evil spirits. Then he entered into a conversation with his girlfriends, who, after a good ransom, let the guests into the house. Then, in some villages of Russia, the groom and the friend began to look for the hidden bride, and in others - to redeem her from her older brother. All this was accompanied by mocking songs that the girls sang to the groom and the travellers. The ritual action was expressed in the desire to save the bride from the inevitable symbolic death that marriage promised, according to mythological ideas.

Then the travelers were invited to the table and treated. The bride and groom were supposed to sit at the edge of the table and not touch the food. It was believed that before the sacrament of the wedding, it was necessary to cleanse oneself morally, giving up “carnal” pleasures, including food. Also, the bride and groom were not supposed to eat together with married and married relatives, this was possible only after the wedding night. After the treats, the father of the bride handed over his daughter to the groom with the words that he would transfer her forever to the disposal of her husband.

The bride and groom went to church in different wagons: the bride accompanied by a svashka, and the groom - with a thousand (the main leader). Travelers from the side of the bride were connected to the wedding train: a wagon driver who drove the horses, godparents, and closest relatives. At the head, as before, rode a friend, accompanied by friends on horseback, then the groom's cart, then the bride, and after them all the other relatives. The bride's parents were also not present at the wedding. The wedding train drove quickly to the church, loudly ringing bells, thereby notifying everyone of its approach. During the trip, the bride and groom performed peculiar magical actions: the bride, having left her native village, opened her face, looked after the retreating houses and threw a handkerchief in which “all her sorrows were collected”, the groom periodically stopped the train in order to inquire about the state bride, whether something happened to her during a dangerous journey. At the same time, the friend read a prayer-conspiracy throughout the journey.

Wedding.
The wedding was a marriage ceremony in the Orthodox Church, which was combined with legal registration in the parish registers. The ceremony was performed in the church by a priest and included betrothal, in which the bride and groom agreed to marriage and exchanged rings, and the wedding, that is, the laying of marriage crowns on their heads, which symbolized the imposition of the Glory of God.

During the wedding, prayers were read for the purpose of God's blessing of the couple. The priest gave instructions. In the Christian tradition, the wedding acted as a kind of sacrament, symbolizing the union of a man and a woman into an indestructible Divine union that existed even after death.

The wedding ceremony connected a number of ritual and magical actions that provided protection from evil forces, a happy marriage, healthy offspring, economic well-being, and longevity. It was believed that it was at this moment that the young were more vulnerable, according to the then ideas of the villagers, sorcerers could turn them into stone, animals, leave them without offspring in marriage. To protect against this, the wedding train was not supposed to stop, following the wedding, the trainees could not look back. The ringing of bells attached to wagons was considered a kind of protection against dark forces. For a talisman, pins were attached to the clothes of the bride, sometimes the groom, needles were stuck, flaxseed or millet was poured, garlic was placed in the pocket, etc.

Some ritual actions were aimed at preventing adultery by the young. For example, it was forbidden to stand or pass between the young. It was believed that during the wedding ceremony it was possible to ensure the health of the young, for which, at the moment the priest circled the couple around the lectern, special conspiracies were quietly pronounced.

To ensure the economic well-being of the future family, before the young people approached the church, they spread a new white cloth in front of them, threw money under their feet, showered them with grain, and during the wedding, the bride hid bread in her bosom, poured salt into her shoes, attached a piece of wool to her clothes. It was believed that the objects in the hands of the bride and groom during the wedding ceremony had magical properties. For example, wax of wedding candles and water from a blessed icon were used in the treatment of babies, a wedding shirt was used to relieve pain in a woman during childbirth. In some villages, the owner of the house put on a wedding shirt on the first day of sowing to ensure a good autumn harvest. The wedding ring was used in divination at Christmas time. After the wedding, the newlyweds in the northern provinces of European Russia and in many villages of Siberia and Altai went to their parents' house for a wedding feast. There, at the end of the feast, their wedding night also took place.

"The arrival of a sorcerer at a peasant wedding." V. Maksimov, 1875

And in some southern Russian villages, after the wedding, everyone returned to their home, but in the evening the groom came to the bride, and their wedding night took place there. The wedding feast began only after it was announced that the young had become husband and wife. If a couple lived without a wedding, they were not recognized as husband and wife, and their children were considered illegitimate. Meanwhile, according to popular notions, one wedding was not enough to recognize marriage. It was necessary to carry out the established ritual actions, according to tradition.

Prince's table.
Prince's table (wedding or red table) - a wedding feast, which was held after the wedding in the house of the groom's parents. By tradition, tables were placed along the floorboards and benches with the letter "G" and only in some areas - across the floorboards. According to tradition, guests were seated in a certain order, spectators - “gazers” were also placed, food and drinks were served, and songs were sung. The bride and groom were called only “the young prince” and “the young princess”, they sat in the front corner of the hut. The guests were seated in order of kinship: the closer the relatives, the closer they were to the bride or groom. Guys, neighbors, girls from the village were usually invited to the wedding feast, but they did not sit at the table, they acted as spectators. The wedding tables were covered with white tablecloths. At first, bread and pies were laid out on the tables (middle). Along the edge of the table, in accordance with each place of the guest, a slice of rye bread was placed, and an oblong pie was placed on top. Two loaves of round bread were placed in front of the newlyweds, laid on top of each other and covered with a scarf. As soon as the guests took their seats, drinks and food were served. Dishes alternated with drinks, while the number of dishes had to be even (a symbol of happiness and good luck).

The beginning of the wedding feast is the ceremony of opening the "young princess". After the wedding, the wife who took place entered the house, while her face was covered with a scarf. Usually the groom's father held a crust of bread or a pie in his hands and lifted the bride's handkerchief with it, after which he took it in his hands and circled it around the heads of the newlyweds three times to the exclamations of those present. This ceremony acted as an acquaintance of the groom's relatives with a new family member. The bride and groom during the wedding feast did not eat or drink anything, it was forbidden. As a sign of the prohibition, the bowl in front of them was empty, and the spoons were tied with a red ribbon and placed with their handles towards the center of the table, and the drinkware was turned upside down.

"A wedding feast in a boyar family of the 17th century". Makovsky K. E. 1883.

The end of the wedding table was the departure of the young to a special room, where they were served dinner. In some localities, the young woman was "wrapped" after supper or put on a woman's headdress. The second part of the wedding feast was the mountain table, on which were the "young prince" and the "young princess" in women's headdress and smart clothes. At that moment, the parents and relatives of the bride and groom came and sat at the same table with the relatives and parents of the groom. The mountain table was expressed in the gift of the bridegroom's relatives, from close to the most distant. The gift was placed on a special dish, the young woman approached her husband's relative and bowed low. Taking a gift, he put a gift on the dish: gingerbread, sweets, money. It was during the mountain table that the “young princess” for the first time called her father-in-law father, and her mother-in-law mother. After that, the young people took part in a common meal. However, they were served certain dishes: porridge, eggs, honey, butter, bread, pies, milk. At the same time, young people drank milk from one glass, ate with one spoon and from one cup, ate bread from one piece. This confirmed the unity of the young, their inextricable bond. At the end of the mountain table, a ceremony of dividing the loaf was held.

The end of the princely table was the departure of the young to the place of the wedding night, accompanied by the singing of the guests. Feasts were also held on the second and third days, but in a slightly different form. Their essence was the symbolic acquaintance of the husband's relatives with a new family member and the distribution of gifts.

The wedding night.
Wedding night (basement) - the physical and legal marriage was held in the groom's parental home. In the southern Russian provinces, after the wedding, the newlyweds each returned to their home, she was escorted to the house of the bride's parents until the main wedding feast. Usually, a bed for the newlyweds was made in a cold room (cage, closet, hay barn, bathhouse, less often a barn or sheepfold), while a bed from the bride's dowry was used. With the help of various devices, a high marriage bed was built: sacks of flour were placed on the boards, then sheaves of rye, a couple of hay mattresses, less often a feather bed and many pillows. All this was covered with a white embroidered sheet to the floor and a beautiful blanket.

The bed was made by the bride and groom, as well as the mother or sister of the groom. After that, a poker, several logs, a frying pan were placed under the bed, and then they went around the bed with a branch of mountain ash or juniper. The branch later stuck into the wall. They believed that all this would protect the newlyweds from evil forces, and bags of flour and rye sheaves would ensure their well-being. Logs acted as a symbol of future children: the more of them on the marriage bed, the more children in the family will be.

The newlyweds were escorted by a friend, matchmakers, less often by all those present at the feast to laughter, noise, jokes, erotic instructions, songs. According to tradition, the friend entered the room with the marriage bed first and beat the bed with a whip a couple of times in order to scare away evil spirits. In some places in Russia, the custom was also widespread, according to which the friend paid a ransom to the bed-makers (those who made the bed). The door of the room was locked from the outside and placed outside the cage or, in our opinion, a guard who guarded the newlyweds from evil spirits and roaming guests. Left alone, the newlyweds, before going to bed, were supposed to eat bread and chicken in order to secure a consonant married life, wealth, and healthy offspring. The newlywed was supposed to demonstrate humility and humility by removing her husband's boots. This ancient rite is mentioned in the Tale of Bygone Years. The newlywed, on the other hand, demonstrated his position as the owner of the family, forcing the bride to ask him for permission to go to bed with him. During the wedding night, a boyfriend visited the young couple several times and was interested in whether sexual contact had taken place. According to the custom, which was common in almost all areas of Russia, if everything ended well, the friend informed the guests about this, but after that the young people were either taken out to the guests or not disturbed until the morning. After such news, the guests sang erotic ditties, which talked about what happened between the young.

The next morning, those who accompanied the young to the bed came to wake them up, in order to check the girl's premarital chastity. They could wake up in different ways: they used knocking on the door, screaming, ringing bells, smashing pots on the threshold, pulling a blanket, pouring water on them. Notification of parents, guests, and the whole village about chastity or lack of it in the bride took place through ritual and game actions. For example, in the villages of the Perm province, if the newlywed was a virgin, towels and tablecloths with red embroideries were hung out at the newlyweds' house, their boyfriend tied horses to the arcs on the way to the bride's parents. In the Vladimir province, the wedding sheet, hung in the front corner of the hut, spoke of the honesty of the bride. In some villages, guests, led by a matchmaker and a friend, with shouts, ringing and noise, drove around the village and waved the newlywed's shirt.

If it turned out that the young woman had lost her virginity before marriage, then her parents were put on a collar around her neck, her father was served beer in a holey glass. The matchmaker was also humiliated. The obligatory innocence of the bride, and in some villages of the groom before marriage, came from the peasants' notions that the transformation of a girl into a woman, and a boy into a man could only occur in the course of certain rites and only if observed in a certain sequence. Violation of order was considered a violation of the course of life, an encroachment on its foundations.

It was also believed that a girl who lost her virginity before marriage would remain barren, become a widow early or leave her husband a widower, and the family would wallow in hunger and poverty.

On the second day of the wedding, the bride usually performed some ritual actions. One of the most common rites is the “search for the yarka”.

This ceremony consists in the fact that the “Yarochka” (that is, the sheep, the bride) is hiding somewhere in the house, and the “shepherd” (one of her relatives or all the guests) must find her.

It was also common for the “young woman” to fetch water with two oars on a yoke, throwing garbage, money, grain in the room - the young wife had to carefully sweep the floor, which was checked by the guests.

Important is the arrival of the groom to his mother-in-law. This rite has many different names in different regions (“khlibins”, “yayshnya”, etc.). It consists in the fact that the mother-in-law gave the groom cooked food (pancakes, scrambled eggs, etc.). The plate was covered with a scarf. The son-in-law had to redeem her by putting money on (or wrapped in) a handkerchief.

Twisting young.
The twisting of the young was also a wedding ceremony, in which the bride changed the girl's hairstyle and headdress for women's. The ritual was held immediately after the wedding on the church porch or in the gatehouse of the church, in the groom's house in front of the prince's table, in the middle of the wedding feast, after the wedding night. The groom, his parents, friends and matchmakers were always present at this ceremony. All this was accompanied by singing. Instead of one braid, two were braided and laid around the head, after which they were covered with a kokoshnik.

In the Russian villages of Altai, twisting was carried out after arrival from the crown. The bride was put in a corner, covered with scarves on each side, two braids were woven, laid around her head, put on a samshur and a scarf. Then they showed the young woman to the groom and asked them both to look in one mirror in order to "live together." The songs that the svashki sang when changing their hairstyle and headdress sounded differently in different areas, but the essence was the same: the girl’s affirmation in a new status.

Khlebiny.
Khlebiny (outlets, outflows) completes the sequence of wedding ceremonies. This is a feast that was arranged for the young in the house of the parents of the young woman. Her parents prepared treats in advance for their arrival. The mother-in-law treated her son-in-law with pancakes or scrambled eggs, while he showed his attitude towards her. If he bit off a pancake or ate scrambled eggs from the edge, then her daughter retained her virginity before marriage, and he is grateful for this, but if the son-in-law bit off a pancake or ate scrambled eggs from the middle, then the young woman turned out to be “dishonest”, that is, she did not save chastity before marriage. Then he complained to her about the poor upbringing of his daughter. Then the young people went home. With a successful outcome, the feast in the parental home of the young woman continued.

Protective rites

  • In order to deceive the dark forces during the matchmaking, they changed the path, drove by roundabout roads.
  • The ringing of bells, which accompanied the wedding train all the way to the church, was considered protection from evil spirits.
  • In order to turn the head of the unclean and send him to hell, the young were led around a pole or tree.
  • In order for the brownie to accept the young into a new family, it was necessary to bring the bride into the house in her arms, without stepping on the threshold.
  • From spoilage and evil spirits, they were saved with the help of refraining from pronouncing words and from eating.
  • For large families and wealth, the young were showered with grain or hops, put on a fur coat weathered up with fur.
  • To strengthen the relationship of the young with each other, they mixed wine from the glasses of the young, stretched threads from the bride's house to the groom's house, tied the hands of the bride and groom with a handkerchief or towel.

Proverbs and sayings

  • Marriage and death are sisters.
  • It’s not scary to get married, it’s scary to start that business (it’s scary to start the ass).
  • It is terrible to see: endure - fall in love.
  • God help the unmarried, and the mistress will help the married.
  • It's sickening to live without a sweetheart, but it's sicker with a disliked one.
  • Do not buy a horse from a priest, do not take a daughter from a widow!
  • To marry is not to put on a bast shoe.
  • A good marriage accustoms to the house, a thin one excommunicates.
  • God forbid with whom to marry, with that and end.
  • The bride is born, and the groom sits on a horse (they put on a horse for three to seven years).
  • The girls are seated - grief is mykano; Married given - twice arrived.
  • Married in a hurry and for a long torment.
  • An old husband has a young wife - someone else's self-interest.
  • A man, if at least a little more pretentious than the devil, is a handsome man.
  • Many suitors, but no betrothed.
  • The one is not good, the other is not good-looking, look at yourself, what is she like?
  • Don't look for beauty, look for kindness.
  • Do not drink water from your face, I would know how to bake pies.
  • Do not take a rich wife, take an unopened one!
  • Take the first daughter - after the father, after the mother, and the second - after the sister!
  • Choose a cow by its horns, and a girl by birth (see by gender)!
  • Being at a wedding and not being drunk is a sin.
  • Blow out wedding candles at once to live together and die together.
  • Wine is bitter, not drunk (or: sour, and young people should sweeten, kiss).
  • The girl, after collusion, does not go out into the street and into the church.
  • Rain on the young is happiness.
  • The groom is girdled with a knitted sash under the crown (the knots are protected from damage).
  • If the street is dissolute, be a dissolute wedding.
  • Young people do not eat until the wedding. To the crown of skinny, after salting.
  • A monk at a wedding is ominous for the young.
  • Dropping an engagement ring under a crown is not a good life.
  • They take care of the wedding candle, and light it to help with the first birth.
  • I went to wash off the girls' buns, cools (pre-wedding bath).
  • There is no wedding without divas (without pranks or without miracles).

1. Russian wedding ceremonies

2.Smotryny

4. Wedding ceremony of the Russian people. Matchmaking and handshaking

ritual folklore- a term used to refer to those folklore works, the meaning of which is realized in the rite.

Genre composition O.F.: calendar ritual poetry, wedding and funeral lamentations, songs, etc.

prose system O.F. are: conspiracies, spells, sentences, riddles, monologues, dialogues, good wishes.

Ritual - "a set of rites that accompany a religious cult and make up its external design" (Big Explanatory Dictionary of Foreign Words).

“The rites had a ritual and magical significance, they determined the rules of human behavior in everyday life and work...”. (T.V. Zueva and B.P. Kirdan)

“Rites were the main content of folk holidays in honor of the forces of nature and constituted a kind of “annual ring”, in which folk labor, worship of nature and its naive artistic poetization were inextricably merged.” (A.M. Novikova)

A. Yudin writes about the rite as "a transitional ritual that marks the transition of a person to a new existential .... status."

The plurality of approaches to the definition does not allow us to formulate a clear dividing semantic line between the concepts of "ritual" and "rite"; and, nevertheless, a comparative analysis of various definitions leads to the thesis that a ritual is a form, a shaping of a certain content; and the rite itself acts both as a content and as a semantic structure.

The ritual appears as a primary form, a prototype of the subject's activity in relation to the world. This form, being saturated, filled with the meaning of the rite and determining the specifics of the expression of the content, has the highest power of influencing the personality. This is no coincidence. In the content and meaning of the rites, there are inexhaustible depths of experiences accumulated by mankind over thousands of years, ways of solving problems, attempts at self-knowledge and knowledge of the world.

In its origin in this history, it is associated with a special distance on the vertical of the historical fulfillment of social evolution, the distance of structuring its foundations - sociogenesis and anthropogenesis, at which the formation of the individual as a necessary condition for human existence took place. It was here that the structures and levels of consciousness were formed, which went into the spheres of the unconscious, but also ensured the development of consciousness, thinking, memory, etc. -structures that played a crucial role in the accumulation of the psychic energy of the collective and the development of social knowledge of individuals, the individuals themselves, bearers of the social.

The ritual forms a form of cultural action, the subject of the ritual, thus, is self-fixed, self-identifies as a “cultural person”, “social person”.

The content of the rite is determined by the situation in which it takes place;
it is constituted either by the need to move into a new existential
status (initial rites), or the need to eliminate
adverse effects/production of favorable effects (calendar and occasional rituals). The meaning of the rite, that is, its most generalized, universal meaning, is the restoration of the world order, the restoration of the “circle of life”.



However, the rite, being considered in the context of socio-psychological knowledge about a person, does not yet have a clear definition. Attempts to formulate it inevitably send the researcher into etymology. Obviously, the relationship of the word “rite” with such words as “row”, “attire”, “dress up”, “dress up”, “order”, “equip”, etc. All of them come from the common Slavic basis “row”. This basis carries the meaning of "device", "sequence".

Thus, all derivatives of this basis also carry the meaning of arranging something, building or restoring “order”. In the broadest sense, to perform a ceremony or put things in order means to create (recreate) the world (ie, to take on a creative role, the functions of a creator).

As researchers of traditional cultures, in particular, Russian folk spiritual culture, point out, time was thought and perceived by a person as unequally filled, heterogeneous in quality. There were special periods - festive time, which had a special sacredness. These periods were perceived as critical, during their duration the connections of “this world” and “other world”, “this” and “other” world became more active. Rites in the form of ritual actions were aimed at restoring the flow of time, and as a result - at restoring, "recreating" the world.

In the view of our ancestors, the world, life is filled with various forces that have magical, sacred power, capable of significantly influencing the course of events.

And in the rituals, both calendar and related to the events of human life, the “desired image of the world”, the “correct order” of things, which forms both the “annual circle” and the “circle of life”, is vividly represented. At the same time, however, in the view of the ancestors, there were forces and influences, the action of which led to a deviation from the “normative” course of events (natural disasters, crop failure, illness, spoilage, etc.). Moreover, on critical (holiday) days, the actions of such forces were especially feared. And it was during these periods that ritual actions were performed.

By means of rituals, the “device” or reorganization of the world was carried out. In particular, one of the most critical days in the view of the ancestor was the day of the winter solstice. It was a day when there was a break in the time stream. And to restore the flow, to restore the world "order", collective magical actions were performed. The meaning of the action is to recreate the world order through a system of manipulations with symbols.

So, on this day they burned bonfires, called out to the sun: “Sunshine, show yourself! Red, gear up! Sunny, go on the road! Burning wheels were lowered from the mountains (imitative magic), imitating the movement of the sun.

Any serious event in a person's life also required « restoring order" or "establishing order". He was installed during the ceremonies.

The word "dress" is also found in ritual texts related to funeral rites. "Garment", i.e. dressing in special clothes (after washing the deceased) was a whole ritual with an abundance of prescriptions and prohibitions regarding the quality, method of making “mortal” clothing, and the way it was put on.

A rite is a concentrated reflection of customs and traditions, embodied in a specific action, that occurs at turning points that are significant for the individual and the community. The rite is a way of collective activity aimed at establishing (restoring) order, the world order. This collective activity is, on the one hand, strictly regulated, carried out according to a formula; on the other hand, it gives an opportunity (due to the specifics of the folklore formula) of self-expression to each participant in the rite.

The rite, presented in the form of a ritual, summarizes the experience, the system of human relations, creates the conditions for the emergence of collective experiences, collective ideas and, at the same time, for the perception and assimilation of these ideas and experiences.

The main motive of such activity is the motive of self-change / change of the world and, at the same time, self-restoration / restoration of the world (since any change in the ideas of ancestors about the course of life threatened the integrity of the “circle of life”).

Protective rites, protective (apotropaic) - protecting from diseases, the evil eye, evil spirits, for example, beating boys with a willow on Palm Sunday with the words: “Be healthy like water, be rich like earth, and grow like a willow.”

Occasional rites- (lat. - random) committed on occasion, i.e. not fixed chronologically, for example, the rite of hiding the owner behind the pies, designed to ensure the harvest in the coming year, performed on Christmas Eve or Christmas, has come down to us as a calendar, and not an occasional rite, and was performed on the occasion of the end of the harvest; the rite of calling rain was performed during a drought, i.e. was occasional, but then it turned out to be fixed on the calendar and was performed on the Trinity during a prayer service, when it was customary to drop tears on the turf or on a bunch of flowers (“cry on flowers” ​​- the rite is mentioned in “Eugene Onegin” by A.S. Pushkin and in Yesenin’s poem Trinity Morning).

Rites of a provoking (producing) property - set the goal of ensuring an abundant harvest, the offspring of livestock, an abundance of earthly goods.

FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD FOLKLORE

Maternity ceremony- a complex of various actions of a magical nature: veneration of pagan deities - Rod and Rozhanitsa (prayer, ritual food, first hair, first bath, baptism, etc.).

The role of the midwife who took birth. Protective measures. Baptism.
From folklore works were used ritual songs: wishes, incantations, prayers.

Wedding ceremony- retained traces of a number of ideological and historical periods (matriarchy, initiation, kidnapping, buying and selling, etc.).

The traditional wedding ceremony is the unity of a sacred (religious-magic), legal and everyday act and a poetic holiday.

Characters.

The sequence of ritual actions.

Rituals, food, clothes.

Wedding lyrics: wedding songs, lamentations, laudatory and reproachful songs.

Funeral rites, funeral rites - associated with the religious worldview of the people (pagan and Christian), the belief in the continued existence of the deceased after death, the need to facilitate his transition to another world and protect the living from possible harmful actions. A variety of magic was used: washing the body, dressing in new clothes, washing the hut after the removal of the deceased.

Maternity period- the most "vulnerable" for both the mother and the child, so they both tried to ensure safety from hostile magical forces in every possible way:

Neither the pregnant woman nor her relatives tried to tell anyone the exact timing of the birth. The place for childbirth was secret to others. Since it was impossible to give birth in the house, then with the onset of contractions, the woman went to the bathhouse, barn, barn - non-residential premises (which include the modern maternity hospital).

Messengers came to the midwife's house by secret paths and reported on childbirth in Aesopian language.

- opening ceremony: chests, chests, windows, stove dampers were opened, all ties were untied and buckles and buttons were unbuttoned, a woman in labor took off all jewelry and let her hair down (to make it easier for the baby to come into the world).

- rite of passage and “baking”: the midwife smoothed the born child, gave the head the correct shape, and if the child was born weak, then on the stove shovel for cooking he was placed in the oven three times, as if they were baking bread.

- rite of the first ablution: bathing was done in charmed water (from diseases and the evil eye), where a silver coin was placed (given wealth), a pinch of salt (cleansing), an egg (makes the child okay).

postpartum period- the period of acquiring a new status for both the mother and the baby. The child acquires the status of a person, and the young woman acquires the status of a mother, while returning to her former community after being in a “foreign”, border world.

- rite of redemption child - the midwife received remuneration from the woman in labor and from relatives.

- rite of "washing hands": the midwife, together with the mother of the newborn, watered each other's hands three times and asked for forgiveness; the performance of this rite gave a partial purification to the woman in labor and allowed the midwife to take other births.

Christening

Rites "Woman's porridge", "Father's porridge"

Rites of "separation" of the child from the mother: weaning, the first haircut, nails.

Wedding ceremonies. Wedding ceremonies are the most significant in all folk rituals both in terms of their development and duration: in the northern regions of the country they took from two to three weeks. In different localities, wedding rituals differed in particular details, but on the whole it was of a general nature and invariably included such main stages as matchmaking, conspiracy, bachelorette party, wedding day and after-wedding ceremonies.

The peculiarities of the peasant worldview were vividly reflected in the wedding rituals. The peasant chose a healthy bride who knew how to work well. Therefore, during the matchmaking, matchmakers could ask the bride to show her ability to spin, sew, embroider, etc. A clear proof of women's craftsmanship were things of their own making (towels, shirts, etc.), which the bride was obliged to present to the groom and his relatives.

Some actions of the wedding ritual, as well as individual folklore works accompanying this ritual, were given magical significance. So, for example, in order to protect future spouses from the "evil eye", "damage" and all sorts of intrigues of evil spirits, the corresponding conspiracies were performed when the groom was escorted with the train to the bride, when the bride and groom left for the crown and at other moments. The bride and groom who arrived from the crown were necessarily sprinkled with hops or grains so that they were rich. "For friendship" they were treated to wine from one glass. The bride was put on the knees of a strong boy so that she would give birth to healthy children, etc. But the wedding is not only a fact of ethnography, but also a remarkable phenomenon of folk poetry. It was permeated with works of various genres of folklore. It includes sayings, proverbs, sayings and riddles. However, lamentations, songs and sentences are especially fully represented in wedding ceremonies.

Bride's Lamentations. Lamentations (lamentation, crying, goloschenie) - recitatively, with crying, song improvisations performed. Wedding lamentations are the predominant genre of the bride. (If the bride did not know how to lament, then a specially invited mourner did it.) Lamentations were performed at a conspiracy, at a bachelorette party, during a ritual visit by the bride to the bathhouse, before her departure with the groom to the crown. After the wedding, the lamentations were not fulfilled.

The main content of the lamentations is the hard feelings, the girl's sorrowful reflections in connection with the upcoming marriage, farewell to her family, beloved friends, her girlhood, youth. The lamentations are based on the opposition of the girl’s life in the “native family”, on the “native side”, the alleged life in the “foreign family”, on the “foreign side”. If in the native side - "green meadows", "curly birches", "kind people", then in the "foreign side" - "bumpy birches", "hummocky" meadows and "sly" people. If in her own family a girl is treated with love, she is affectionately invited to “oak” tables, “brown” tablecloths and “sugar” dishes, then in a stranger she had to meet with the unfriendly attitude of her father-in-law, mother-in-law, and often her husband.

Of course, in the depiction of the native family, we meet with undoubted features of embellishment, idealization, but in general, wedding lamentations are distinguished by a pronounced realistic orientation. They truly depict the experiences of a girl getting married, at every step the features of a specific household situation appear, they talk about ordinary everyday activities in a peasant family.

Lamentations give a fairly complete picture of the everyday life of the peasants. However, their main significance is not in this. Lamentations are one of the brightest genres of folk lyrics. Their main and meaning is not in a detailed description of certain phenomena and facts of life (in this case, related to the theme of marriage), but in the expression of a certain emotional attitude towards them; their main purpose is to express certain feelings. These genre features of the content and purpose of lamentations also determine the specificity of their artistic form (composition and poetic style).

Lamentations do not have a plot, the narrative in them is weakened to the limit. The main compositional form of lamentations is a monologue, which makes it possible to directly express various thoughts and feelings. Most often, such monologues - the cries of the bride begin with appeals to parents, sisters, brothers and friends. For example: “You, my dear parents!”, My dear sister!”, “Lyuba, dear friend!” etc.

In lamentations, syntactic parallelisms and repetitions are widely used. They include all sorts of questions and exclamations in abundance. This enhances their drama and emotional expressiveness.

In lamentations, as in many other genres of folklore, epithets are widely used. However, the lyrical nature of confessions is especially pronounced in the fact that they most often use not pictorial epithets, but expressive ones, for example, such as “native side”, “desired parents”, “dear friends”, “dear neighbors”, “alien side”, “alien clan-tribe”, “alien father-mother”, “great longing”, “combustible tears!” etc.

A distinctive feature of lamentations is the unusually wide use of words with diminutive suffixes in them. Especially often they use such words as “mother”, “father”, “brothers”, “sisters”, “girlfriends”, “neighbors”, “little head”, “goryushko”, “kruchinushka”, etc.

Often, all the noted techniques and means of poetic style (syntactic parallelism, words with diminutives (suffixes, expressive epithets, appeals and questions) in lamentations are used simultaneously, and then an expressiveness of extraordinary power is achieved. An example is the lamentation in which the bride girl refers to " dove, to aunt" with these words:

You, dove, aunt! With a sweet dove sister,

You tell me how, my dear, With aunts, with grandmothers,
How did you part with your girlfriends doves,

With a dear father, With the souls of red girls,
With a nurse mother, With a maiden beauty,

With a little brother falcon, With a girl's ornament?

Wedding songs. Songs, like lamentations, accompanied the wedding ceremony. However, lamentations were performed only before the wedding of the bride and groom, and songs were sung after the wedding. Especially many songs were performed during the "red table" - a wedding feast. Unlike lamentations, which were song improvisations and were performed alone, solo, wedding songs had a relatively stable text and sounded only in choral performance. In terms of their emotional content, wedding songs are much more diverse than lamentations: in them we find both motives of sadness and motives of fun. Their general emotional tone is lighter than the emotional tone of lamentations. If only the thoughts and feelings of a girl getting married were conveyed in lamentations, then in most songs the attitude of society, a certain circle of people to this fact was expressed: the girl's friends, everyone taking part in the wedding. Wedding songs tell about the wedding, including the experiences of the bride, as if from the outside, so they are always plot-driven to some extent, include narrative elements.

According to their specific content, poetics and purpose, wedding songs are very diverse. But all of them can be divided into two groups. The first group consists of songs that are most closely associated with wedding rituals, a specific moment in its development. Each of these songs, according to the nature of the images, is closed by the episode of the rite that it accompanies, comments on, complements, and poetically deepens.

In wedding songs, a description is given of the rite of conspiracy; it talks about the gifts of the bride to the groom and his family, about the bachelorette party; describes the rite of unweaving a braid for a girl; the departure of the groom to the bride with the wedding train is drawn; tells about how the bride and groom leave for the crown and come back from the crown. They report the beginning of the "red table" - the wedding feast; they finally give a certain idea of ​​the ethnographic and poetic content of the wedding fun.

However, these songs not only describe the rite, but also give a vivid poetic description of its participants, expressing a certain emotional mood with unusual clarity. A vivid example is the song “They didn’t blow the trumpet early at dawn”, which has become widespread among the people, which tells about the ceremony of unweaving a braid for a girl, which was a sign of her farewell to her youth.

This song is very sad in content. It not only tells about the sad experiences of the girl, but also creates an ideal, according to popular belief, portrait of the bride: she is beautiful (“blush”), her braids are braided with “silk lashes”, and the “lashes” are studded with “pearl pebbles”

It must be emphasized that idealization motifs permeate most of the wedding songs about the bride and groom, which are called "prince" and "princess", are drawn by people, luxuriously dressed, extraordinarily beautiful, etc. This should be seen as a certain manifestation of the magical purpose of wedding songs: the desired they are portrayed as real.

The trend of idealization was especially pronounced in such a genre variety of wedding songs as glorifications. Magnifications are, as a rule, descriptive songs of a small size, in which a portrait of the magnified person is drawn in an idealized plan, it is said about his beauty, intelligence or wealth.

Wedding glorifications were performed mainly during the wedding feast. First of all, praise songs were sung in honor of the bride and groom. So, in one of them, an ideal portrait of a bride is drawn - a rural beauty:

Poprosinya is good: Without belelets is white,

Without a set-up is high, Without mazilets blush.

Thick without underwire

In terms of beauty, the bridegroom was not inferior to the bride. Magnifications were also sung to a friend, matchmaker, matchmaker and other guests. The magnified had to give the singers small gifts, most often small change. If the singers were not presented with gifts, then they sang not laudatory, but “reproachful songs” to the “guilty” ones.

Reproachful songs are a kind of parody of greatness, they amused and amused the guests. Scorching songs often had a dance rhythm, rhyme. One such reproachful song about a matchmaker was recorded by A. S. Pushkin:

We sang all the songs, From the red girls,

The throats are dry! From white winches.

And the red-haired matchmaker Give, give the girls!

Prowling along the shore, Give winches!

Wants to hang himself, You will not give -

He wants to drown himself, We are more reproachful!

Motherfucker, guess! Take care of the car!

Money moves in the purse

Strives for red girls.

The considered wedding songs were closely connected with the specific moments of the rite, had a certain meaning only in a series and, naturally, gradually fell into disuse due to the destruction, withering away of the rite itself.

However, along with these songs, songs of a different type were also performed during the wedding ceremony. They also developed wedding themes, their main images were also the images of the bride and groom. But unlike the songs of the first group, they were not assigned to any particular episode of the wedding ceremony, but could be performed at any moment of the wedding. In them, the wedding was considered, as it were, as a whole, they talked about marriage in general. The artistic time and space of these songs went far beyond the scope of the specific ritual performed.

A distinctive feature of the songs of this group is the widespread use of symbols. So, the symbol of the young man, the groom in them is most often a dove, a falcon, an eagle, a drake and a goose; the girl's symbol is a swan, a duck, a dove, a peahen and a swallow.

Compositionally, these songs are often built on the principle of figurative parallelism. This is such a construction of the song, when in its first parallel a picture of nature is given, and in the second - a picture of human life. The first parallel has a symbolic meaning, it creates a certain emotional mood, and the second - concretizes the first, fills the song with a certain vital content.

These songs, distinguished by high poetry, possessed a great power of generalization, in the past they were performed not only in the wedding ceremony, but also existed outside of it. Many of them continue to live today.

Friends' sentences. The basis of wedding poetry is song genres - lamentations of the song itself. But it also includes other genres of folklore, without which there would be no complete idea of ​​a folk wedding. A special place among these genres is occupied by the agility of friends.

Sentences are a kind of prose improvisations that have a certain rhythmic organization. Often sentences have rhymes - then we have a typical paradise verse:

Rich people drink beer and wine

And me, the poor one, they only beat me on the neck:

Full of half you

Stand at someone else's gate

Open your mouth!

All wedding ceremonies were closely connected, followed one after another in a strictly defined sequence, representing, as it were, a single play that stretched out for several days. The central act of this play was the wedding day, and the boyfriend was the manager of this day and the main director of the entire wedding "performance". He asked for blessings from the groom's parents and went with the "wedding train" to the bride's house. He asked for blessings from the bride's parents and took the bride and groom to the crown. After the wedding, he brought them to the groom's house, where the wedding feast began.

But during the feast, the friend monitored the observance of rituals, led the feast, and entertained the guests. The next day after the wedding, the friend woke up the young and often invited them to visit him.

At all moments of the wedding ceremony, the friend joked a lot, tried to speak fluently, only with sentences.

The “quality” of the entire wedding, so to speak, largely depended on the friend, therefore, a respected person was chosen as a friend, who knew wedding rituals well, who subtly felt the specifics of her poetry, was quick-witted, cheerful and brisk in language.

The peculiarity of the sentences of a good friend was that they were highly poetic, in their content they fully corresponded to one or another episode in the wedding ritual, and in style and imagery they organically merged with other genres of folklore performed at one time or another of the ceremony. So, given the specifics of wedding songs, the groom's friend and the bride calls only "prince" and "princess". Before leaving with the wedding train to the bride, he says that they will go to the "clean field", in that field they will find a "green garden" and in this garden they will try to catch the "white swan" - "red girl", "newlywed princess". Arriving at the bride, the friend informs that his groom, the “newlywed prince”, has “fox coats”, “marten collars”, “sable hats”, “velvet tops”. All this is typical wedding idealization.

Sentences, as a rule, are sprinkled with jokes and jokes. So, for example, to the question of the matchmaker, how is the health of the groom’s parents, the friend in his sentence answers: “Our matchmaker is all healthy, the bulls and cows, and the calves are smooth, tied with their tails to the beds, and the sheep are motley, like bulls are fat, two geldings are and a milking bull.

Throughout the wedding ceremony, songs are heard in which the matchmaker is reproached for deceiving a poor girl, depriving her of her youth, etc. In the spirit of “reproachful” wedding songs, the friend also speaks about the matchmaker. So, in one of the sentences, he talks about how they were traveling on a wedding train to the bride, and the matchmaker, who was lying under the willow bush, jumped up and snatched the nuts intended for the bride. Penetrating the wedding ceremony, organically merging with other genres of folklore, the sentences of the friends gave the entire wedding poetry an artistic integrity, a certain emotional and stylistic unity.

However, observations show that talented, poetically gifted friends in their sentences use motifs, images and poetics not only of wedding poetry, but also of other genres of folklore. So, in one verdict of a friend in an epic manner, he asks permission from the groom’s father to “go down to the wide courtyard”, approach his “brave horse”, saddle him heroically, take “morocco reins in his left hand”, “a silk whip in his right hand” and to leave with his squad in the "clean field".

In another verdict, a fairy-tale imagery is clearly felt. Druzhka says: “Our young princess has twelve girls, sisters on the Buyan, on the sea, on the ocean, on the island in Buyan: they are all whitewashed, smeared and tied to oak ...”. During the wedding feast, the friend calls the groom with verdicts composed in the style of carols, wishes him all the best, great wealth: mill primol".

The genres of non-wedding folklore used in sentences play the same role as the genres of wedding poetry. Not only do they not weaken the functional significance of the wedding poetry itself, but, on the contrary, strengthen it, help to express even more deeply the main ideas associated with this or that ritual moment, and significantly increase the overall poetic sound of the entire wedding ceremony.

Aesthetic value of the wedding ceremony. On the basis of all the above, we can conclude that all wedding poetry, all the folklore genres included in it, are closely related to each other in terms of figurative content and purpose. Differing in their poetics, these genres at the same time have features that unite them, they represent, in a certain sense, a single artistic system.

Wedding poetry was inextricably linked with its rituals, which had not only great ethnographic, but also a certain aesthetic value. Despite the fact that the very fact of marriage was largely approached from the practical side, they thought first of all that a good housewife would enter the groom's family, in general, the wedding was perceived not as a practical deal between the parents of the bride and groom, but as a big and bright holiday . The tone of festivity appeared in everything. All those participating in the wedding ceremony looked emphatically festive, dressed in their best outfits for the wedding. The bride and groom dressed especially elegantly. For the wedding train, the best horses were chosen, multi-colored ribbons were woven into their manes, they were harnessed to the best harness; ringing bells were tied to the arches. Chest friend was decorated with an embroidered towel. There was a lot of singing and dancing at the wedding. All this was done with a clear awareness of the festivity of the wedding ceremony, with a certain attitude towards entertainment: people specially went out into the street to admire the wedding train; many came to the wedding only to enjoy the festive decoration and fun.

Funeral rites. In direct contrast to wedding rituals and accompanying poetry in their emotional tone were funeral rites with their only poetic genre - lamentations. Funeral rites, dedicated to the most sorrowful, tragic events in a person's life, from beginning to end were full of weeping, cries and sobs.

Funeral rites are very ancient in origin. In them, one can note the features of animistic ideas, which was expressed in the cult of veneration of ancestors. It was believed that the souls of the dead did not die, but moved to another world. It was believed that the deceased ancestors could have a certain influence on the fate of the living, so they were afraid of them, they tried in every possible way to appease them. This was reflected in the funeral rites. The coffin with the body of the deceased was carried out very carefully, being afraid to touch the jamb of the door with it (the magic of touch), so as not to leave death at home. Many rituals and customs reflect the veneration of the deceased. During the commemoration, one place was left unoccupied, as it was believed that the soul of the deceased was present at the commemoration. And the custom is still firmly held not to say anything bad about the deceased.

All this, to some extent, was reflected in the funeral lamentations. Whatever a person was in life, after death he was called in lamentations only with affectionate words. So, for example, a widow endowed her late husband with the epithets “red sun”, “love-family”, “breadwinner-family”, “lawful restraint”, etc. Traces of the ancient animistic worldview in lamentations we find in their anthropomorphic images, methods of impersonation . In them, for example, one can find anthropomorphic images of death, unfortunate fate, grief.

The connections of funeral lamentations with early forms of thinking are undeniable. However, it should be recognized that the main value of funeral lamentations for us is not in this.

The expression of love for the deceased and the fear of the future are the main content of all funeral lamentations. In laments, with great poetic power, the tragic situation of a family left without a breadwinner is drawn. So, in one of them, a poor widow says that since the father of the family died, the whole household has fallen into complete decline.

For the poetics of funeral laments, as well as for the poetics of wedding lamentations, the widespread use of stable expressive epithets, words with diminutive suffixes, all kinds of repetitions, syntactic parallelism, appeals, exclamations and questions is indicative, which serves as a means of enhancing their emotional expressiveness and dramatic tension.

The main compositional form of funeral lamentations, as well as the lamentations of the bride, is the form lyrical monologue. However, funeral lamentations, as a rule, are much larger in size than wedding lamentations. Many of the funeral laments recorded in the North are over a hundred lines long. In these laments, under the influence of epic traditions, the epic (narrative) beginning receives a certain development. Lamentations that tell about people who died tragically are distinguished by a particularly developed narrative.

fairy tale genres. History of collecting and studying. Classifications.

There are two sections in oral prose : fabulous prose and fabulous prose.

Their distinction is based on the different attitude of the people themselves to fairy tales as fiction and events as truth.

Propp: “A fairy tale is a deliberate and poetic fiction. It never passes off as reality."

A fairy tale is a specific phenomenon that unites several genres. Russian fairy tales are divided into the following genres:

· about animals

· magical

· cumulative

· novelistic or household

The main artistic feature of fairy tales is the plot.

Propp "Russian Fairy Tale".

The folk tale is a narrative folklore genre. It is characterized by its form of existence. It is a story passed down from generation to generation only through oral transmission. In this it differs from the literary one, which is transmitted by writing and reading and does not change. A literary fairy tale can fall into the orbit of popular circulation and be passed from mouth to mouth, then it is also subject to study by a folklorist. The tale is distinguished by its specific poetics.

Fairy tale and myth.

A myth is a stage-by-stage formation earlier than a fairy tale. A fairy tale has an entertaining meaning, and a myth has a sacred one. Myth - stories of primitive peoples, which are recognized as realities of a higher order, although they are not always presented as reality. They have a sacred character. With the appearance of gods in human consciousness and culture, the myth becomes a story about deities and demigods.

The poetry of the wedding had a deep psychologism, depicted the feelings of the bride and groom, their development throughout the ceremony. The role of the bride was especially difficult psychologically, so folklore painted a rich palette of her emotional states. The first half of the wedding ceremony, while the bride was still in the parental home, was filled with drama, accompanied by sad, elegiac works. At the feast (in the groom's house), the emotional tone changed dramatically: idealization of the participants in the feast prevailed in folklore, fun sparkled.

For a wedding of the Northern Russian type, lamentations were the main folklore genre. They expressed only one feeling - sadness. The psychological possibilities of songs are much broader, therefore, in the Central Russian wedding, the image of the bride's experiences was more dialectical, mobile and diverse. Wedding songs are the most significant, best-preserved cycle of family ritual poetry.

The courtship was conducted in a conditional poetic and allegorical manner. The matchmakers called themselves fishermen, hunters, the bride - a white fish, a marten. During the matchmaking, the bridesmaids could already sing songs: ritual ("They came to Pashechka Three matchmakers at once ...") and lyrical, in which the theme of the girl's loss of her will began to be developed ("Viburnum boasted ...").

Conspiracy songs depicted the transition of a girl and a young man from the free state of "girlhood" and "youthfulness" to the position of the bride and groom. In the song "Along the Danube ..." a young man on horseback walks by the river. He demonstrates his beauty, prowess in front of the girl and asks to save his horse. But the girl replies:

"When I am yours,

Save your horse...

And now I'm not yours.

I can't take care of the horse.

Paired images-symbols from the natural world appear in the songs, for example, a viburnum and a nightingale (“On the mountain, a viburnum stood in a circle ...”). The motif of the violated girl's will is being developed (the bride is depicted through the symbols of a pecked berry, a caught fish, a shot coon, a trampled grass, a broken grape twig, trampled green mint, a broken birch tree).

The song “They didn’t blow the pipe early at dawn ...” could be sung in collusion, at a bachelorette party and on the morning of the wedding day. This ritual song marked the upcoming, ongoing or already completed rite of braiding. Conspiracy songs began to depict the young in the position of the bride and groom, idealizing their relationship: the bride lovingly combs the groom's blond curls, the groom gives her gifts. There were no monologic forms in colloquial songs; the songs were a narrative or a dialogue.

In the songs of the bachelorette party, monologues appeared on behalf of the bride. She said goodbye to the free will and her stepfather's house, reproached her parents for giving her away in marriage. Reflecting on her future life, the bride imagined herself as a white swan caught in a herd of gray geese that nibble at her. The mother or married sister taught the bride how to behave in a new family:

"You wear a dress, don't wear it out,

You endure grief, do not say."

If the bride was an orphan, then a lament was fulfilled: the daughter invited her parents to look at her orphan wedding.

In the songs, there is often a plot of the transition or transportation of the bride through a water barrier, associated with the ancient understanding of the wedding as an initiation ("Sunday early, the Blue Sea played ..."). The groom catches either the drowning bride herself, or the golden keys to her will ("You are girlfriends, my dears ..."). The image of the girls-girlfriends was drawn as a flock of small birds, flocked to the canary, enclosed in a box. Girlfriends either sympathized with the bride, or reproached her for her broken promise not to marry. The bachelorette party was full of ritual and lyrical songs.

The culmination of the entire wedding ritual was the wedding day, on which the marriage was concluded and the young family was glorified.

In the morning, the bride woke her friends with a song in which she reported about her bad dream: the cursed woman's life crept up to her. While dressing the bride and waiting for the groom's wedding train, lyrical songs were sung, expressing the extreme degree of her sorrowful experiences ("How the white birch tree was shaken ..."). Ritual songs were also filled with deep lyricism, in which marriage was portrayed as an inevitable event ("Mother, what is not dust in the field ..."). At the same time, songs of a different content were sung in the groom’s house, for example: with a squad of young men, he sets off from his wonderful house for a beautiful gray duck, the groom floats along the river on a boat, pulls an arrow on his knee and shoots a duck into the sulfur (“Oh , Ivan’s mansions are good ... ").

But the wedding train has arrived. Guests in the house are like a hurricane, sweeping away everything in its path. This is depicted through hyperbole: they broke down a new hall, melted a pair of gold, let the nightingale out of the garden, shed a red maiden. The groom comforts the bride ("There was no wind, there was no wind - Suddenly it was inspired...").

At this time, scenes were played out, which were based on the ransom of the bride or her double - maiden beauty. Their execution was facilitated by wedding sentences, which had a ritual character. Sentences also had other functions: they idealized the whole situation and participants in the wedding, humorously discharged the difficult psychological situation associated with the departure of the bride from the parental home.

Sentences are rhymed or rhythmic poetic works. In the Kostroma region, after the arrival of the wedding train, the scene of the removal of the Christmas tree was played out - a maiden's beauty, which was accompanied by a big sentence. The Christmas tree was carried out by one of the bridesmaids, she also pronounced the verdict. Improvisation was present in the construction of the sentence (cf. two options in the Reader), but the core was the same. The verdict began with an introductory part, in which the atmosphere of the chamber was depicted fantastically sublimely. Epithets were used that idealized the surrounding objects:

I go to the table, I go to the oak one.

To tablecloths to scolds.

To copper drinks<медовым>,

To sugary dishes.

To gilded plates.

To turned forks,

To damask knives,

To you, sweet matchmakers.

Then a greeting was uttered to the travelers. Their idealization could take on an epic development: they followed the bride through clear fields, green meadows, dark forests... Hyperbole conveyed the difficult journey of the bridegroom's train. Hyperbolas were also used in another epic part - in the story of how the girls got and decorated the Christmas tree:

They trampled on the shoes,

Torn apart by stockings

They broke the green tree.

Tore off the gloves

Broke a ring...

The tree was the main character. She was uttered a magnificence, at the end of which candles were lit on her:

... Our maiden beauty is good

She is beautifully dressed

Hung with scarlet ribbons.

Unbundled to various bows,

Decorated with expensive stones,

Arranged for wax candles.

Scarlet ribbons scarlet,

Different bows were blue.

Road stones spilled

Beskovy candles were kindled.

Then the detours of those present were made and the demand for payment for the Christmas tree. They started with the groom, then turned to friends, matchmakers, relatives. The ways in which they were encouraged to "bestow" beauty were different: for example, they made riddles. Especially often gifting required rhyme:

Here's the last word for you:

Give me a golden ring.

I'll say a word of heels -

Give me a silk scarf.

The matchmaker, who has a red shirt -

Put a five-ruble note;

And in blue - Put it on the other ...

Each giver extinguished a candle. When all the candles were extinguished, the girl who pronounced the sentence turned to the bride. She spoke of the inevitable parting with beauty and the bride's loss of her girlhood forever. The Christmas tree was taken out of the hut, the bride was crying. A psychological parallel between the Christmas tree beauty and the bride ran like a red thread through the whole game situation.

Sentences compositionally consisted of a monologue, however, appeals to the participants in the ritual led to the emergence of dialogic forms and gave the sentences the character of a dramatic presentation.

The most solemn moment of the wedding was the feast (the prince's table). Here they sang only cheerful songs and danced. The ritual of magnificence had a bright artistic development. Magnificent songs were sung to newlyweds, wedding ranks and all guests, for this ygrits (singers) were presented with sweets, gingerbread, money. The avaricious were sung in parodic glorification - reproachful songs that could be sung just for laughs.

Magnificent songs had a congratulatory character. They honored, sang the one to whom they were addressed. The positive qualities of this man were portrayed in songs to the highest degree, often with the help of hyperbole.

The images of the bride and groom poetically revealed various symbols from the natural world. The groom is a clear falcon, the raven horse the bride is a strawberry-berry, cherry, viburnum-raspberry, currant berry. Symbols could be paired: a dove and a dove, a grape and a berry.

The portrait played an important role.

The groom's curls are so beautiful

What are these little curls

The sovereign wants to favor him

The first city - the glorious Peter,

Another city - stone Moscow,

The third city is White Lake.

As in many love songs, the mutual love of the newlyweds was expressed in the fact that the bride combed his fair-haired curls to the groom ("Like the moon has golden horns ...").

Compared to the songs that were sung in the bride's house, the opposition between one's own and another's family changed diametrically. Now the father's family has become a "stranger", so the bride does not want to eat father's bread: it is bitter, it smells of wormwood; and Ivan's bread - you want to eat: it is sweet, it smells of honey.

In laudatory songs, a general scheme for creating an image is visible: a person’s appearance, his clothes, wealth, good spiritual qualities. So, for example, depicting a thousandth, the song pays much attention to his luxurious fur coat, in which he went to God's church, married his godson. A single guy is depicted on a horse in all its glory, capable of even transforming nature: meadows turn green, gardens bloom. The matchmaker is white, because she washed herself with white foam delivered from beyond the blue sea. The glorification of the family is reminiscent of carols: the owner with his sons is a month with stars, the hostess with her daughters is a clear sun with rays (“A green pine tree is at the gate ...”). The greatness of the widow was special - it expressed sympathy for her grief. This was achieved with the help of symbols: an unenclosed field, a tower without a top, a canopy without a ceiling, a marten coat without a ceiling, a golden ring without gilding.

Magnificent songs can be compared with hymns, they are characterized by a solemn intonation, high vocabulary. Of course, all this was achieved by folklore means. Yu. G. Kruglov noted that all artistic means "are used in strict accordance with the poetic content of laudatory songs - they serve to enhance, emphasize the most beautiful features of the appearance of the magnified, the most noble features of his character, the most magnificent attitude towards him singing, that is serve the main principle of the poetic content of laudatory songs - idealization".

The purpose of swearing songs is to create a caricature. Their main artistic technique is the grotesque. A grove grew on the groom's hump, a mouse made a nest in his head; the matchmaker's back is a lavitsa, well ... - a bread box, the peritoneum is a swamp; my friend jumped around the shops, dragged pies from the shelves, wandered around the shop floor and caught mice; the thousand man sits on a horse like a crow, and the horse under him is like a cow. Portraits of reproachful songs are satirical, the ugly is exaggerated in them. This is the reduced vocabulary. Reproachful songs achieved not only a humorous goal, but also ridiculed drunkenness, greed, stupidity, laziness, deceit, boasting. Stupid matchmakers went after the bride - they drove into the garden, poured beer on all the cabbage, prayed to the veree (pillar), worshiped the tyn. Sometimes in reproachful songs there was an ironic quotation of verses from laudatory songs (for example, they copied the refrain "Good friend, handsome friend!").

In all works of wedding folklore, an abundance of artistic means was used: epithets, comparisons, symbols, hyperbole, repetitions, words in an affectionate form (with diminutive suffixes), synonyms, allegories, appeals, exclamations, etc. Wedding folklore claimed an ideal, sublime world, living according to the laws of goodness and beauty.

Zueva T.V., Kirdan B.P. Russian folklore - M., 2002

Chapter 1. The history of the study and collection of Russian wedding folklore in the XVIII - first half of the XIX centuries

Chapter 2

Chapter 3. The history of the study and collection of Russian wedding folklore in the 20th century

Dissertation Introduction 2003, abstract on philology, Vladimirova, Tatyana Nikolaevna

At the beginning of the 21st century, in folklore, as in other humanities, there is a process of summing up, systematizing the accumulated experience in order to determine the further path of science development. This is precisely the relevance of the study.

Folklore is part of the national culture of any nation. It has great cognitive, moral and aesthetic value. Rites and ritual folklore have always played and are playing an important role in the life of society. They passed on from generation to generation the experience of the spiritual and working life of people, contributed to the creation of collective, social relations. Of particular importance in terms of studying the traditional culture of the Russian people is the study of wedding ritual folklore, “which, according to K.V. Chistova, - is one of the most developed, rich in all respects and therefore especially complex multi-component among the wedding rituals of the peoples of Europe. During the performance of wedding rituals, certain norms and rules of behavior were fixed. In them: folk wisdom was manifested, which found verbal expression in the works of oral poetry that accompanied them. The Russian wedding is a part of folk culture; it reflects in a harmonious combination elements of verbal, poetic, musical, choreographic and dramatic arts.

The extensive material accumulated by the beginning of the 21st century and serious research on Russian wedding folklore require summing up.

Russian folk wedding ceremony. Research and materials./Ed. K.V. Chistov. L., 1978. S.Z. to what was done in the 18th - 20th centuries, and to determine the further tasks of the scientific development of the topic. Back in 1926 Yu.M. Sokolov wrote that “compiling a complete wedding bibliography is one of the most urgent tasks of folklorists of our time.”1 The applicant compiled a Bibliographic Index on the Russian wedding,2 which contains a description not only of easily accessible special editions on wedding folklore, but also of works published on the pages of local publications (provincial sheets and collections, local magazines f and newspapers). Practically all the few available reference books on folklore studies were studied, which made it possible to achieve a certain completeness of the bibliography on the Russian wedding. Research and publications in the Index are complemented by research conducted in the light of family history, customary law, descriptions of ceremonial clothing, jewelry and food. A separate section contains material on the wedding of the Old Believers. The bibliography also includes information about the new, Soviet, wedding (recommendations, instructions for conducting and introducing non-religious civil rites). The second part of the bibliographic index contains literature on the interaction of Russian ritual folklore with the folklore of other nations, abstracts of dissertation research, educational and methodological literature, as well as programs for collecting and studying Russian weddings.

In total, the Index contains 4338 bibliographic items. The book ends with auxiliary indexes - nominal, geographical and used sources. cited in the bibliographic

Sokolov Yu.M. The next tasks of studying Russian folklore.//Artistic folklore. M., 1926. Issue 1. C.9.

Vladimirova T.N. Russian wedding. (Bibliographic index). M., 2002. T.1. 342 e.; T.2. 166 p. The information in the index now makes it possible to get a complete picture of the history of collecting and studying Russian wedding folklore.

Thus, the research topic is the history of studying and collecting Russian wedding folklore (XVIII-XX centuries). Taking into account the complexity and versatility of the topic, some aspects of the study of wedding folklore did not become the object of close attention. So, for example, the dissertation only outlines, but does not consider the actual linguistic and musicological trends in the study and collection of wedding folklore. The emphasis in the dissertation research is made on the ethnographic and everyday and philological study of the Russian wedding.

The scientific novelty of the dissertation lies in the fact that it describes in detail the history of the study and collection of Russian wedding folklore, reveals the basic scientific principles and methods of its collection and study.

The purpose of the work is to give a clear idea of ​​the history of the study and collection of wedding folklore, to identify the range of main problems in its study and collection, and to determine the ways for further research.

The theoretical basis of the dissertation is the achievements of Russian folkloristics and folklorists of the 19th - 20th centuries: F.I. Buslaeva, A.N. Veselovsky, A.A. Potebni, B.M. and Yu.M. Sokolov, E.G. Kagarova. The decisive factors for the study were the works of V.P. Anikina, D.M. Balashova, A.V. Tours, V.I. Zhekulina, I.V. Zyryanova, I.E. Karpukhina, N.P. Kolpakova, Yu.G. Kruglova, A.V. Kulagina, T.F. Pirozhkova, N.I. Tolstoy, K.V. Chistova, N.M. Eliash and others 4

The need for a comprehensive understanding of the heritage of wedding rites and folklore determined the methods of its study - comparative and historical-contrastive.

The practical significance of the dissertation lies in the fact that the results of the study can be used by folklorists, ethnographers, historians in their scientific and practical work, students when studying the general course "Russian Folklore", as well as within the framework of the special course "Russian Ritual Folklore", when writing term papers and diploma works.

The main provisions of the dissertation were tested at all-Russian scientific conferences in Moscow: "Actual problems of modern literary criticism" (2001); "Folkloristics of the Year" (2001); "Russian literary criticism in the new millennium" (2002,2003). The main provisions of the reports were reflected in 4 publications, as well as in the book “Russian Wedding. (Bibliographic index) ”(M., 2002. Vols. 1.2).

Work structure. The dissertation consists of Introduction, three chapters, Conclusion, bibliography.

Conclusion of scientific work thesis on "Russian wedding folklore"

CONCLUSION

Let's summarize our research on the history of studying and collecting Russian wedding folklore.

A review of the history of the collection and study of wedding rites and poetry in the 18th century. showed success in collecting and publishing them and very low achievements in their research. All publications are characterized by the same approach to the publication of both ritual folklore and rituals. There was great interest in wedding songs; both songs and rituals were printed separately from each other. Ritual songs were perceived by publishers of the 18th century to a large extent as an artistic phenomenon. They were worthy, in their opinion, to be published next to arias from "Russian operas and comedies", to be read and performed not only among the people, but also among the bourgeoisie, and even among the nobility.

At the beginning of the XIX century. the publication of rituals and ritual folklore remained the same. It is impossible to talk about research in the field of wedding folklore until the 30s. 19th century - until the time when the works of I.M. Snegirev. It was he who, for the first time in Russian folklore, explained the new principles for the publication of rites and ritual folklore, which then became firmly established in publishing practice.

The collectors and publishers of that time highly valued wedding ritual folklore, which served them for enlightenment and propaganda in the public consciousness of the Russian beginning. However, scientific reliability in this case could not be high, since it was necessary to more clearly distinguish between all-Russian and regional areas in ritual folklore, and scientific and popular science areas in publishing activities.

At the same time, grandiose editions of I.M. Snegireva, I.P. Sakharova and A.V. Tereshchenko.

But gradually, from year to year, the number of publications about the Russian wedding in a wide variety of periodicals, both all-Russian and provincial, increased. them in the first half of the 19th century. Quite a few have appeared, their significance is different both in terms of the breadth of coverage of the material, and in depth and manner of presentation. Published mainly in periodicals and magazines, and they were calculated mainly for the general reading public.

The creation of the imp. The Russian Geographical Society, which announced, among other main areas of its activity, the collection of information about the Russian wedding, and also drew the attention of the provincial authorities to folk ritual life: information about it began to be published in almost all provincial sheets (in the unofficial part). Several folklore collections were published at this time, in which the original texts of wedding songs were published outside the ritual context.

Until the beginning of the 20th century, the history of the study of ritual poetry was not rich in major scientific achievements. All this period in the history of folklore was occupied with the study of heroic and fabulous epics, historical songs. Ritual folklore was remembered only when they found in it something in common with epics or historical songs. At the same time, in the few works of scientists devoted to ritual poetry, the shortcomings of the dominant trends also affected. Particularly noteworthy in this regard are the works of mythologists. Interest in the reflection of history in ritual folklore, the illustrative nature of the evidence for a particular hypothesis, made it possible to formulate a conclusion about the aristocratic origin of ritual poetry on their basis.

Unfortunately, ritual poetry in the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries. did not attract the attention of researchers as a phenomenon of art, as a poetic word associated with the rite.

Thus, the study of ritual folklore in the second half of the XIX - early XX century. as a poetic phenomenon did not take place.

In contrast to the history of the study of wedding ritual poetry, the history of its collection and publication in the middle of the 19th - early 20th centuries. much richer. Editions of ritual folklore are numerous and varied. The collectors were peasants and priests, teachers and doctors, lawyers and journalists, ethnographers and folklorists. And all this affected the purpose of collecting material, the principles of its collection, the choice of the type of publication where the collected material was published, and much more.

Folk wedding in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. was a fact of everyday life of a Russian person. This can explain the large number of her recordings from almost all regions of Russia. In the titles of published materials, the words “superstition”, “prejudice” were often found, and society fought against them. As before, the church opposed pagan rites. Quite a lot of articles on this issue were published in the diocesan journals.

But there were no bans on a folk wedding, public interest in it was great, as a result, for more than half a century, Russian folklore has been enriched with material of great scientific value. Almost complete regional records of the folk wedding were published in the press.

Books of individual collectors-ethnographers and folklorists appeared, in which their previous publications and new records were collected, generally giving an idea of ​​the ritual life of the people in a given area. They entered the golden fund of folklore, some of them are reprinted in our time.

Wedding folklore is beginning to be actively included in local folklore collections. Successes in collecting activities, public interest in folk life were the reason for the creation of popular books.

After I.M. Snegirev, progress in collecting the wedding could only be a further refinement of the "technical passports" of the records, a more attentive attitude to the existence of folklore, to performers, etc., but this did not happen immediately. Mythologists, for example, solved the question of the creators of folklore works in accordance with their general concept of the origin of the epic. Since their attention was focused on revealing the mythological foundations of folklore, the question of the singers themselves, as well as the question of the existence of folklore in general, was not raised at all. The same can be said about the representatives of the school of borrowing, whose attention was directed to establishing the similarities and connections between epic and fairy tale motifs among different peoples. And since rituals and ritual folklore occupied an extremely insignificant place in the works of these scholars, it was not considered even in these directions.

For the method of collecting rituals and ritual folklore, neither mythologists nor migrationists could give anything new, although from that time a large number of descriptions of rituals and ritual poetry have come down to us, representing interesting material for researchers. But the principles of publication, in essence, did not differ from those used by I.M. Snegirev. Moreover, the main principle of I.M. Snegirev of wedding ceremonies and ritual folklore - publishing them as a whole - often did not stand up.

The historical school put forward and developed in detail the question of the creators of folklore works. Despite the mistakes that were made by representatives of this school in the study of this issue, the very formulation of the issue and drawing the attention of collectors to it was an undoubted step forward. For modern collectors, the ABC is something that once made its way with such difficulty: in the editions of folklore works, each of them began to have its own “author”. And despite the fact that rituals and ritual poetry again remained out of the field of view of scholars-researchers - the main attention, as before, was directed to the study of the heroic epos and fairy tales - the methodological methods of collecting folklore had a beneficial effect on the collection of wedding ritual folklore. By this time, for example, are records of rituals and ritual poetry made by M. Edemsky and B.M. and Yu.M. Sokolovs, at the same time a new series of “Songs collected by P.V. Kireevsky".

The new principles of collecting and publishing ritual folklore have yielded remarkable results. It was at the end of XIX - early. XX centuries a huge number of publications of wedding ceremonies and poetry appear, especially in Living Antiquity, Ethnographic Review, and in numerous publications of the Russian Geographical Society. Major publications by V.N. Dobrovolsky, P.V. Sheina and others. This, of course, does not mean at all that previously published records of wedding folklore, descriptions of wedding ceremonies in provincial reports, statistical collections, memorial books, etc. have no scientific value.

So, a review of the history of collecting and studying rituals in the 18th - early 20th centuries. shows undoubted success in their collection and publication and low achievements in their research. Ritual folklore was at the periphery of the scientific interests of folklorists, the material was considered only depending on how much it clarified the conclusions obtained in the study of the epic, fairy tale, historical songs. Scholars were primarily concerned with historical and ethnographic problems; questions of classification, poetics, the evolution of wedding rites and ritual poetry remained undeveloped. Ritual folklore was considered in a number of other types and genres of folk art without taking into account its specifics.

Folkloristics of the beginning of the Soviet period in the history of Russia in the field of collecting wedding folklore did not violate pre-revolutionary traditions. Turning to the folklore of workers and folklore, which expressed protest against the oppressors (folklore about S. Razin, E. Pugachev, etc.), collectors also recorded and published materials on the wedding.

Historical and ethnographic publications of wedding folklore did not last long. Obviously, due to the view of folklore established in Soviet folklore only as the art of the word, which was especially asserted after M. Gorky B. and Yu. collections, of which a great many were published throughout the 20th century. As a result, folklore studies have been enriched by several tens of thousands of ritual songs and lamentations, which, unfortunately, are snatched, as a rule, from the ritual context.

Much worse than collecting and publishing was the situation in the pre-war years with the study of wedding rites and folklore. In the 20-30s of the XX century, Soviet folklore was formed, researchers mastered the Marxist-Leninist methodology, there were discussions about the nationality, the class nature of folklore, but, as before, scientists for many decades were primarily interested in epics, fairy tales and historical songs. No major works specifically devoted to ritual poetry have appeared, although there are a number of articles in which the authors solved some problems of history, the poetics of ritual poetry (E.G. Kagarov, A.K. Moreeva, N.I. Hagen-Thorn, P.S. Theological).

The 1940s and 1950s were the least fruitful in the field of studying wedding poetry. Interest in it is not great, researchers are mainly interested, as before, in rituals, but there are achievements here too. Almost all studies of these years are historical and ethnographic (A.I. Kozachenko, N.M. Eliash and others).

The state and direction of the study of ritual poetry in the 40-50s of the XX century could not but affect the understanding of its poetic essence, classification. Actually, her poetic research remained at the level of the pre-war and even pre-revolutionary years. Developed purely empirically, based on the observations of collectors, ideas about wedding poetry remained the same.

The turn of the 60-70s of the XX century is a significant boundary in the collection, publication and study of the Russian wedding. Literally within a few years, several Ph.D.

The study of the current state of the study of ritual poetry reveals several directions.

The first is historical and ethnographic. The vast majority of work has been carried out in this direction. And here there are undoubtedly major achievements. Scientific expeditions began to be carried out more actively, folklore practice was introduced at universities and pedagogical institutes. Hundreds of reports about them have been published in various periodicals, their value lies in live observations of how rituals and ritual folklore are preserved in modern conditions (JI.T. Romanova, G.V. Zhirnova, T.A. Bernshtam, etc.) . There are publications entirely dedicated to the wedding. Monographs on Russian ethnography appeared (E.P. Busygin, N.V. Zorin, M.M. Gromyko, and others).

The second direction is musicological. Until the 50s and 60s. In the 20th century, there are practically no fundamental works in the field of musicology that would deal with the musical essence of ritual poetry. From the 70s. increased attention and interest in the musical side of ritual folklore (and folklore in general), which was successfully reflected in its publication (Yu.V. Keldysh, T.N. Livanova, T.N. Popova, etc.). Along with purely philological collections, books began to be published in which works of folk art began to be printed in two parts: both a verbal text and a musical one. At a new level of understanding of the musical side of folklore, this was an undoubted step forward in the publication of works of oral folk art. Scientifically impeccable collections and studies appeared (B.B. Efimenkova, S.V. Pyankova, V.A. Lapin, A.M. Mekhnetsov, etc.).

The third direction is ethnolinguistic. Researchers in this area (mainly N.I. Tolstoy and his students) deal with issues of terminology, problems of comparative study of rituals and ritual folklore of the Slavic peoples, and publication of newly collected material.

The fourth direction in the study of the Russian wedding is actually philological. Researchers who develop the problems of ritual poetry in the philological aspect study wedding poetry as an art. The researcher - philologist, both in the study of literature and in the study of folklore, deals with homogeneous material - the art of the word, which to a certain extent determined the unity of the methodology of folklore and philological analysis. A major role in establishing this trend belongs to N.P. Kolpakova.

In the 1970s, the philological direction in the study of wedding folklore hardly made its way. The reason lies in the unwillingness of many scholars to abandon the consideration of ritual poetry as only historical and ethnographic material. Several mutually exclusive classifications of ritual songs were proposed, identified by researchers with ritual lyrics (V.Ya. Propp, D.M. Balashov, V.I. Eremina, JI.N. Bryantseva, Yu.G. Kruglov, etc.).

In the 1980s and 1990s, when publishing wedding folklore, a new principle was developed for presenting ritual material: a consistent and, if possible, as detailed as possible story of the performers about the wedding ceremony, while preserving local features of speech, with sentences, lamentations and songs being performed along the way. Musical transcripts of songs and lamentations are taken out in an independent section and are given as an appendix to the description of the wedding ceremony. Such records and publications give us information about the local wedding tradition in the totality of its components, about the boundaries of the distribution of its types (D.M. Balashov, A.V. Kulagina, Yu.I. Marchenko, M.N. Melnikov, G.G. Shapovalova and others).

In the 1990s, a detailed study of the regional characteristics of wedding rites and poetry acquired great importance in Russian folklore. The regional features of the wedding ceremony are more and more often considered from a philological point of view: the poetic genres of the wedding are analyzed. Studies have also appeared in which wedding ceremonies and folklore are considered from the point of view of local traditions (N.V. Zorin, I.E. Karpukhin, E.A. Samodelova, etc.).

It can be said that in the second half of the 20th century, Russian folklore has achieved great success both in the study and in the collection and publication of wedding folklore.

The main task of future researchers is not to reduce the level of analysis and publication of wedding folklore, but to actively continue its study in all the above areas.

List of scientific literature Vladimirova, Tatyana Nikolaevna, dissertation on the topic "Folklore"

1. Agreneva - Slavyanskaya O.Kh. Description of a Russian peasant wedding with text and songs: ritual, vocal, wailing and howling. At 3 pm M. - Tver. 1887-1889.

2. Andronnikov V.A. Wedding lamentations of the Kostroma region from the side of content and form.//Kostroma lips. ved. 1903. Nos. 65,66,70,74,77,78,79,82,83. 1904, Nos. 2,3,4,6,7.

3. Argentov G. Slanders of a friend at a wedding. //Kunguro-Krasnoufimsky region. 1925. No. 2;

4. Argentov G. Slanders of friends.//Ural contemporary. Almanac. 1940. No. 3;

5. Argentov G. Slanders of friends.//Prikamye. Almanac. 1941. No. 2.

6. Balakirev M.A. Russian folk songs for one voice with accompaniment by f.-p. Ed., foreword, research. and note. E.V. Gippius. M., 1957.

7. Balashov D.M., Marchenko Yu.I., Kalmykova N.I. Russian wedding: Wedding ceremony in the Upper and Middle Kokshenga and Uftyug (Tarnogsky district of the Vologda region). M., 1985.

8. Banin A.A., Vadakaria A.P. Zhekulina V.N. Wedding songs of the Novgorod region. L., 1974.

9. Bogdanov A. Magnificent songs of the village of Olymi, Nizhnedevitsky district, Voronezh province./UVoronezh provinces. ved. 1850. 28 Oct.

10. Bogoslovsky P.S. Peasant wedding in the forests of Vilva, Perm district.//Perm local historian, collection. 1926. Issue 2.

11. Buddha E. On the history of Great Russian dialects.//Uch. app. Kazan, un. 1896. No. 12.

12. Burnashev V.P. Peasant wedding in the Nizhny Novgorod province.//Domestic notes. 1843. No. 1.

13. Butova E. The village of Borozdinskaya, Terek region, Kizlyar district.//Sb. materials for describing the areas and tribes of the Caucasus. Tiflis. 1889. Issue. 7.

14. Butsko Yu.M. Wedding songs. Cantata for mezzo-soprano, mixed choir and symphony orchestra. M., 1971.

15. Varentsov V.G. Collection of songs of the Samara region. SPb., 1862.

16. Vlasova M. New ABEVEGA of Russian superstitions. SPb., 1995.

17. Volga folklore. Compiled by V.M. Sidelnikov and V.Yu. Krupyanskaya. With preface and under. ed. Yu.M. Sokolov. M., 1937.

18. Volkov N.N. Podolsky district.//Moscow provinces. ved. 1850. No. 36,37,38,

19. Volkov N.N. Vereisky district.//Moscow provinces. ved. 1850. No. 41,42,43.

20. Vyatka songs, fairy tales, legends. Works of folk art of the Kirov region, collection. in 1957-1973 /Comp. I.A. Mokhirev. Bitter. 1974.

21. Gagen-Thorn N.I. Wedding in Saltykovskaya vol., Morshansky district of Tambov province.//Materials on the wedding and family and tribal system of the peoples of the USSR. Issue. 1. JI., 1926.

22. Georgievsky A.P. Russians in the Far East. Folklore-dialectological essay. Issue 4. Folklore of Primorye. Vladivostok. 1929./Tr. Far Eastern State university Ser. 3. No. 9.

23. Golovachev V.G. Wedding and dance ritual poetry on the Don.//Folk oral poetry of the Don. Rostov-n/D. 1963.

24. Grinkova N. Old and new wedding in the Rzhevsky district of the Tver province.//Rzhev region. 1926. Sat. one.

25. Gulyaev S.I. Ethnographic essays of Southern Siberia.//Library for reading. 1848. Issue 8.

26. Derunov S.Ya. Peasant wedding in Poshekhonsky district.//Tr. Yaroslavl Province. statistical committee. 1868. Issue. 5.

27. Dialectological materials, coll. IN AND. Trostyansky, I.S. Grishkin and others//Sb. Department of Russian lang. and words imp. AN. 1916. T.95. No. 1.

28. Dialectological materials (Kuibyshev region. Texts of songs, fairy tales, stories, fables, riddles, proverbs and sayings; crying of the bride; ditties).//Uch. app. Kuibyshev state. ped. in-ta im. V.V. Kuibysheva, 1957. Issue. 17.

29. Dobrovolsky V.N. Smolensk ethnographic collection. 4.1-4. SPb., 1891-1903.

30. Dobrovolsky V.N. Samples of the dialect of the Zhizdrinsky district of the Kaluga province.//Living antiquity. 1898. Issue Z.

31. Pre-revolutionary folklore in the Urals. Collected and comp. V.P. Biryukov. Sverdlovsk. 1936.

32. Pre-syllable wedding. Songs, games and dances in Zaonezhie, Olonets province. Zap. V.D. Lysanov. Petrozavodsk. 1916.

33. Dumitrashkov K. Wedding customs that require cancellation.//Vladimir. diocese ved. 1865. No. 19.

34. Edemsky M. Wedding in Koksheng.//Living antiquity. 1910. Issue. 1-4.

35. Elcheva I.M. Russian wedding. Ten choirs. Folk words. Score. L.-M., 1972.

36. Efimenko P.S. Materials on the ethnography of the Russian population of the Arkhangelsk province.//Izvestiya imp. Society of lovers of natural science, anthropology and ethnography at the imp. Moscow unte. T.ZO. Proceedings of the Ethnographic Department. Book 5. Issue. 1-2. M., 1877, 1878.

37. Zyryanov A.N. Wedding ceremonies in the Shadrinsk district of the Perm province.//Perm provinces. ved. 1862. No. 30; 1863. Nos. 47-52; 1864. No. 37.

38. Ivanitsky N.A. Lamentation of the bride in the Vologda province. Sentences of a friend when he arrives for the bride. Druzhka goes to the kut with a cup of beer - to tease the young at the marriage bed. / / Muscovite. 1841. No. 12.

39. Selected folk Russian songs. Collected and arranged for singing and piano by A. Gurilev. M., 1849.

40. Kirsanov Kh.P. Ancient wedding ceremonies of the Don Cossacks.//Northern bee. 1831. Nos. 258-259.

41. Kolosov M.A. Notes on language and folk poetry in the field of the Northern Russian dialect.//Five reports 2 Det. AN with adj. fairy tales, songs and charms. 1876-1877.

42. Kolpakova N.P. Wedding ceremony on the river. Pinega.//Peasant Art of the USSR. Art of the North. V.2 JL, 1928.

43. Kolpakova N.P. Ancient wedding ceremony.//Folklore of the Karelian-Finnish SSR. Issue 1. Petrozavodsk, 1941.

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95. A complete, newest songbook in thirty parts, containing a collection of all the best songs of famous authors, such as: Derzhavin,

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UDMURT INSTITUTE OF HISTORY, LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

OF THE URAL BRANCH OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

As a manuscript

Votintseva Olga Nikolaevna

WEDDING FOLKLORE OF THE MIDDLE AND LOWER VYCHEGDA

(FUNCTIONAL DEFINITION OF MUSICAL AND POETIC GENRES)

Specialty 10.01.09. - folklore

Izhevsk 2002

The work was done at the Department of Folklore and Book History of Syktyvkar State University

scientific adviser: Doctor of Philology, Professor A.N. Vlasov

Official Opponents: doctor of philological sciences, professor T.A. Zolotova candidate of philological sciences, associate professor M.A. Vavilov

Lead organization: Pomor State University. M.V. Lomonosov hours at the meeting

The defense will take place "_^_" in May 2002 at the Dissertation Council K 004.020.01 at the Udmurt Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences at the address: 426004, Izhevsk, st. Lomonosov, d.

The dissertation can be found in the library of UdIIYAL UB RAS ****- 2002.

Scientific Secretary of the Dissertation Council, E.B. Belova Candidate of Philological Sciences.

them. N I / YuBACHVSKvGO ^ shskogs -or vMi "swiH 0-734122 - / Relevance themes Among the many problems that modern folklore researches, the problem of the historical life of folk art is still relevant. Despite the rather large number of works devoted to the Russian wedding in different local areas of Russia, there are many "blank spots" in the study of local traditions, which make it possible to comprehensively recreate the Russian wedding ceremony in its historical development. The analysis of musical and poetic folklore offered in this paper contributes to filling in many gaps in Russian science in studying the genre composition of wedding ritual folklore.

Subject of study in this work is the wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda (Lensky and Kotlassky districts of the Arkhangelsk region). The Middle and Lower Vychegoda lands have been inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes since ancient times. In the 14th century, the Permian peoples, driven out by the Novgorodians, began to retreat to the east. The "Permian Finns" who remained on Vychegda became Russified. The tradition under consideration is “borderline” with the culture of the Finno-Ugric peoples.

At the turn of the XV - XVI centuries. in the North, counties began to take shape, consisting of a city and volosts subordinate to it. So, in the 16th century, in the basin of the rivers Sukhona, the South and the upper reaches of the Northern Dvina river, the Veliky Ustyug district was formed, from which Solvychegodsky was later separated, which previously included the lands that now belong to the Lensky and Kotlas regions. At the beginning of the 17th century, the Yarensky district was formed in the Vychegda river basin. Since 1796, the Solvychegodsk and Yarensk districts have been part of the Vologda province. The expansion of the Solvychegodsk district takes place in 1922, when the Yarensky district of the Komi Autonomous Region was abolished and five of its volosts became part of the Solvychegodsk district of the North Dvina province. The next administrative-territorial division took place in 1937, when the lands with the center in the city of Solvychegodsk and Yarensk became part of the Kotlassky and Lensky districts.

The long existence of the Solvychegodsk and Yarensk uyezds as part of the same province caused the appearance of common noticeable and song texts in their traditional culture.

Important for the formation of the cultural image of the region were accompanied by the formation of towns-posads. The culture of this region is Novgorod and Rostov, which immediately on their way settled places along the banks of large rivers. One of them was the Dvina with its tributary Vychegda.

Under the influence of Novgorod, a new type of culture developed in the Vychegda lands, urban (townsman), which for a long time existed together with traditional culture in general and folklore. A special place in the new culture is architecture and literature. The emergence and existence of settlement towns and the distribution of wedding folklore in the Nizhnevychegodsk region. One of the factors in the preservation of tradition in Solvychegodsk and its environs is the migration of the population to this region from nearby areas:

Vilegodsky and Luzsky, which significantly affects the genre composition and themes of the performed texts.

functional analysis of the genres of wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda are absent. This determines the relevance of the work. Its scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time the Vychegda folklore tradition, which includes two micro-local traditions, is analyzed.

spatial boundaries in which the Middle Vychegodsk and Lower Vychegodsk traditions exist, the definition of the genre composition of the texts of the wedding musical and poetic folklore of these regions and the degree of their transformation over time.

The objectives of the study are:

1. Description of the functions of works of wedding musical and poetic folklore in the rite;

2. Analysis of the poetics of notable and song texts;

3. Comparison of records of wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda at different times;

weddings with texts from other traditions.

Methodology Classifications traditional for Russian folklore do not cover the entire array of poetic facts of wedding folklore in the area under consideration. To study the historical movement of the regional tradition and its current state, diachronic and synchronous approaches to the analysis of folklore material are implemented in the work, which makes it possible to trace the transformation of tradition over time.

The most important method used in the analysis of wedding texts is texts that are distributed both within one region and occur at the poetic level: plot, figurative and formulaic.

The mapping method clarifies the boundaries of the traditions under consideration.

Sources of work The collection of folklore on the territory of the middle and lower Vychegda began in the last quarter of the 19th century. During this period, mass popular science publications “Living Antiquity” and “Ethnographic Review” appeared, in which works on the Middle and Lower Vychegodsk wedding of N.G. Ordin, N. Ivanitsky. An important source for the diachronic study of wedding musical and poetic folklore is: the article by N.N. Arueva "Peasant weddings in pre-revolutionary times near the city of Solvychegodsk", published in the fifth issue of the periodical "Notes of the North Dvina Society for the Study of the Local Territory" (1928).

In addition to the published folklore and ethnographic materials, for the first time for the analysis of wedding folklore, handwritten notebooks of correspondents of the Ethnographic Bureau of Prince V.N. Tenishev, stored in the State Ethnographic Museum.

Interest in the folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda, which has grown in recent decades, has led to the start of active collecting and research activities. In the 60-70s. expeditions of folklorists of the Commission of Musicology and Folklore of the Union of Composers of Russia were organized to the middle and lower Vychegda. The next stage in the study of the folklore tradition of the region was the expedition of philologists-folklorists of the Moscow State University.

M.V. Lomonosov. The study of the folklore of the Kotlassky and Lensky districts of the Arkhangelsk region of a complex nature was carried out in the 80s.

employees of the problematic scientific laboratory of folklore and archeographic research of Syktyvkar State University. In the 90s. active collecting activities in the region of middle and lower Vychegda were carried out by specialists from the Department of Folk Culture of the Solvychegodsk Historical and Art Museum. The author took an active part in the expeditions organized by the museum. These materials became the main sources of research. In the course of working with unpublished materials from the indicated folklore archives, more than 250 records of wedding poetry texts and 150 ethnographic reports were identified and introduced into scientific circulation.

Practical significance The work consists in using its main provisions and the source base of the application to study other local folklore traditions. From the moment of fixing and processing the field material, the results of the study are involved in pedagogical practice. Author's programs and special courses have been developed, introduced into the educational process of the Koryazhma branch of the Pomor State University: "Wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda", "Nizhnevychegodsk song folklore".

Approbation. Separate provisions of this work were presented as reports at regional and all-Russian conferences:

"Tsarskoye Selo Readings" (St. Petersburg, April 2001), "February Readings" (Syktyvkar, February 2002). Articles on the research topic have been published in regional and central publications.

The main content of the work

The work consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion and an appendix.

considered outside the ritual complex. It is connected with it semantically and the structure of the rite and its poetic content. The functional-poetic analysis of the liturgical and song texts of the middle and lower Vychegda makes it possible to clarify the wedding folklore available in Russian folklore in the area under study, the order in which it follows in the rite will determine the structure of this work.

of the middle and lower Vychegda, in which the unique verifiability of folklore material of the late 19th - early 20th centuries was formed, the main stages of collecting work in the area carried out in the 90s were noted, the relevance of the topic was substantiated, goals and tasks work, the main methodological approaches to the problems of identifying the local specifics of wedding genres in the middle and lower Vychegda are identified:

The genre composition of the Middle and Lower Vychegodsk wedding, which can be considered as a variant of the Northern Russian wedding ceremony, is represented by “lamentations” (18 plots), “sings” (plots), “songs” (28 plots) and “magnifications” (22 plots).

In the chapter, the structure of the wedding ceremony of the middle and lower Vychegda is considered and the characteristics of its song content are given.

the presence of the following acts is characteristic: the choice of the bride, matchmaking, bachelorette party, white bath, matchmaking, wedding, wedding in the groom's house, red table, mother-in-law pancakes. The composition of the ritual actions of the Middle Vychegodsk wedding, where there is no choice of the bride, differs somewhat from this structure. At the same time, the period of making the dowry for the bride, in which her friends took an active part, is called a shield, which is longer than on the lower Vychegda. It also includes the last party at the betrothed's house. Nizhnevychegodsk bachelorette party, according to the instructions of the performers, was an evening in the bride's house on the eve of the matchmaking.

The different actualization of the rites of the shitnik and the bachelorette party became the reason for the different degree of representation of works of the same genres in the traditions under study. If the tradition of lamentation was more developed on the lower Vychegda, then on the middle one - mourning. The motif of the bride sewing gifts is typical only for Middle Vychegodsk songs due to the special significance of the rite of the shield in the tradition of the Lensky district.

Marriage in the middle and lower Vychegda is characterized by a different set and functions of wedding rites, which significantly affects the plot and poetic structure of “songs” and “magnifications”. The "donor" function

the groom performed, according to the recollections of informants, only in the villages and villages of the middle Vychegda. In the Lensky district, there are no wedding rites of Podvoisky and bedspreads, which are especially revered on the lower Vychegda, due to the presence in their rite of praise songs in honor of the cooks and the brewer, which are not performed in the Kotlassky district, who prepared pies, beer and disposed of them at the wedding. This function in the wedding of the Kotlas region was performed by Podvoisky. The custom of covering the bride with a scarf during the matchmaking was not widespread in the middle Vychegda. Therefore, there is no mention of the coverlet and its functions in the reports of the performers of the middle Vychegda. The informants on the lower Vychegda indicate the functioning of this rank in the rite.

Second chapter devoted to the study of musical and poetic genres of the Middle and Lower Vychegodskaya weddings and consists of three paragraphs.

In the first paragraph of the second chapter, the lamentation genre is considered in the context of the rite.

Lamentation, which is typical mainly for the lower Vychegda, is closely connected with the rite, which is reflected in the theme of lamentation. Middle and Lower Vychegodsk wedding lamentations are mostly collective in form: the bride, along with her friends, participated in their performance. The appearance of solo lamentations recorded in a single number is explained by the tradition of solo funeral and memorial lamentation developed in the area. If collective lamentations are stable, then solo ones are characterized by a greater degree of improvisation, due to the one-time nature of their performance.

Solvychegodsk and its environs, where one of the main factors in preserving the tradition was the migration of the population to this region from the Luzsky and Vilegodsky districts. Lamentations, recorded in the indicated area, were widely used in Luz. Among all the districts adjacent to Srednevychegodsky, only in Luzsky lamentation was first performed at courtship. On the lower Vychegda, lamentations began to sound at the bachelorette party, as indicated by the ethnographic reports of the performers and materials from the fund of the book. V.N. Tenisheva. Recorded in the 60's and 90's. In the 20th century, “wailing lamentations” are called two lamentations, one of which is performed solo (“Oh, my aunt”), and the other is performed collectively (“Don’t pray to God, don’t bow”). The pilgrimage was characterized by the collective lamentation "Like in those years with the father."

The main motives of the texts of this thematic group are the motives of the bride’s unwillingness to go to the other side (“Oh, my aunt”), the deceit of the parent who promised “not to give to the other side” (“Don’t pray to God, don’t bow”), preparing the bride for the wedding (“Like those years with the father”). The central image of all the lamentations of matchmaking is the image of the father of the bride, who decides to marry off his daughter, blesses her and is inactive. It acts not as a subject, but as an object of action.

The lamentation "Do not pray to God, do not bow" has a double functional confinement. In the later records of the 90s, made in the Solvychegodsk s / s, this lamentation, in addition to the indicated motives, contains the second part of the description of the groom's household and his qualities as a host. In this case, the performers consistently attribute the lamentation to the moment the bride is dressed in a kuga before the wedding, after the bride's relatives have examined the groom's house.

The Nizhnevychegodsk bachelorette party was the first act of the wedding, during which lamentations began to sound. The main theme of the lamentation of this ritual period, “I departed with you, girlfriends,” is “a free girl’s life” and the bride’s memory of her. The attributes of “free life” in the lamentation are “wearing a scarlet ribbon”, “going to the game”. In the one-thematic lamentation of the end of the 19th century, presented, it was developed in more detail, using formulas not used by parents, “wise neighbors”. At the present stage of the existence of the tradition, there is a significant simplification of the previously popular for lamentation theme of "maiden's will" due to the truncation of a number of poetic formulas. At the same time, plot-forming motifs commenting on the main ritual actions remain unchanged.

lamentations “Bless, Lord, go to the warmth of the bathhouse”, “Go, brother”, “You are brother, you are my brother”, “Cunning little head”.

The main motives of this group of lamentations are the motives of "grief", "the bride's way to the other side", "preparation of the bath by the bride's relative", "fumes (longing)". The lamentation “Bless, Lord, go to a warm bathhouse” marks the beginning of the bride’s journey to a foreign side. With a request to heat the bath, the bride most often turns to the Nizhnevychegodsk region, the function of a woodcutter is fixed. Friends act as stokers of the bath. In the text of lamentations with the same subject from the archives of the book fund. V.N. Tenishev contains a more detailed commentary on the future ritual and a description of the condition of the bride at the time of its performance. The lamentation includes both bathing paraphernalia (“soap, water, firewood”) and wedding paraphernalia (“white shrouds”, “golden crowns”), which indicates that the stage of the bride’s marriage was interpreted as the onset of death. Transformation of the lamentations of this thematic group to the above group. However, in this case, the truncation of thematically important motifs could occur due to the loss of the sacred meaning of the images-attributes of the wedding. If the Nizhne-Vychegodsk lament “Go, brother, go to the forest for a sack” is functionally assigned by the performers to the rite of the bath, then the Middle Vychegodsky lament “You are my brother, you are my brother”, according to the instructions of the informants, was repeatedly performed during the Shitnik. Both lamentations are addressed to the bride's brother, whose goal is to "heat the bathhouse." However, in the Middle Vychegod plot, due to a different nature of functioning, new poetic motifs develop, fixed in the following formulas, which are stable for a number of Shitnik’s texts: “You come to my room / Stop talking to my father-father and dear mother.” In the Middle Vychegodsk tradition, the rite of the white bath was less developed than in the Nizhnevychegodsk tradition (Kotlassky and the Vilegodsky district bordering it).

The lamentation "Cunning little head" symbolizes the completion of the bride's journey to the other side. This lamentation combines the motifs of “grief”, “treating the bride’s father with wine to her friends” and “giving beauty”, which semantically prepares an introduction to the ritual of lamentations with the central image of a scythe-beauty. These lamentations began to be fulfilled while the bride was giving "beauty" to her friends and equipping her for the crown. This group includes the following lamentations: “I’ll take away my beauty”, “Unbraid, girlfriend, my fair-haired braid”, “You shoot, girlfriend, my girlish beauty”, in which the activity of the bride is minimal. The bride does not perform actions with a scythe herself, but asks her friends about it. In thematically similar lamentations of the V.N. Tenishev’s theme of the separation of beauty from the bride is developed in more detail, using a number of formulas that are not presented in modern texts (“naughty hair and beauty (ribbons)”. In the same ritual period, the lamentation “I don’t ask you, father, not to sit down” was performed. , not a patrimony” with the central motif of the bride’s request to her father to bless her.

On the lower Vychegda, solo lamentations “Oh, yes, I have outlived my dear mother”, “You are my dear friend”, ascending to the funeral hymn, as indicated by their lexical content (“outlived” , "died").

The main motives of these lamentations are the motives of "obsolete"

brides in the parental home and parting with friends. If in the Nizhnevychegodsk lamentations of this group the moments of “pecking” of the relatives who participated in the farewell to the bride are actualized, then in the Middle Vychegoda solo lamentations the theme of the carefree, free life of the bride in girlhood and the memory of her in comparison with what awaits her in a strange family is central ( lamentations “You brewed, father, a lot of drunk beer”, “Thank you, father, you brewed a drunk beer”). These lamentations have a three-part structure, in contrast to the Nizhnevychegodsky lamentations, which represent the bride's address to her father and friends. The first part contains the bride's expression of gratitude for the prepared wedding, primarily for the brewed beer, which is traditional for the wedding poetry of the middle Vychegda, the second is an expression of the bride's request to her parents to say goodbye to her in the kug, and the third (in a number of variants the second) - description of a foreign family.

If the lower Vychegodsky lamentations, mostly performed collectively, are recorded in a larger volume of texts and perform the function of pecking the bride in connection with the special actualization of the ritual acts of the bath and bachelorette party, then the Middle Vychegodsky lamentations, which have a solo nature, enhance the function of commenting on the updated rites of the shield and preparing the bride for marriage.

In the second paragraph of the second chapter of the dissertation, the genre-functional features of "singing" are considered. The commonality of the content of this group of songs, their functions in the rite, the poetic system and performance indicate their existence as a special genre variety of musical and poetic folklore. Singing songs are songs of an elegiac nature, performed at the beginning of the matchmaking. In formal terms, they were close to crying. On the middle Vychegda, lamentations, replacing lamentations, performed the functions of commenting on the rite and pecking the bride, which are characteristic of lamentation. The bride mourned her past state, life in the parental home, the attributes of which were the images of the “light brown braid”, “parents' house”, “girlfriends”, which were plot-forming in the songs of this genre. The common arsenal of traditional poetic formulas was characteristic of chanting and lamentations.

Two sub-genre groups can be distinguished among the chantings. The songs of the first group contain formulas with a weakened commentary and guiding function of the ritual. The actions performed by the bride are devoid of ritual specifics. The accuracy of the formulas that fix the characteristic of lamentations is absent in the lamentations of this group. The songs of the second group are characterized by the presence in their structure not of separate poetic formulas, but of whole bunches of chant formulas, characteristic of how the formula composition is distinguished by ritual specifics inherent in lamentable motives. The chants of both groups are characterized by the presence of an open plot, which makes it possible to include lamentable formulas in the second part of the song. At the same time, the first part of the song is characterized by a greater degree of stability.

The hymns have a common two-part composition: a description of the initial ritual situation in the first part and a monologue-self-characterization of the bride, which includes sung motives, in the second part.

The first group includes songs performed during the preparation of the bride for the crown (untwisting the braid) with the central image of beauty (“You are gossips-dear”, “You don’t stop, rowanweed”), the bride’s equipment for matchmaking (“The sun has risen high”) and directly wooing (“Drank my dear father”). At the beginning of the 20th century, the plot of the song “You are gossips-darlings”, performed on the middle Vychegda, was built as an appeal of the bride to her “girlfriends” with a request to “come and sit”

(“gather in a single circle”), “do not marry off” and “water the mountain in a circle” so that “the betrothed does not stop by.” In this version of the song, the second part contains the poetic formulas of the farewell of the bride with the scythe, traditional for _laments:

"Unravel the scythe of the bridegroom." Formulas describing the ritual situation ceremonial-directing the course of the ritual function. Poetic formula, "The girl will lose her beauty." The cool function, which serves the purpose of creating a certain mood in the pre-wedding part of the ceremony, is predominant in this case. Extremely generalized are the poetic formulas of the farewell of the bride with the scythe-beauty in the chants "Don't stop, rowanberry", recorded in the Lensky district. Weeping over the braid as part of the monologue of the bride's self-characteristics, which is characteristic of lamentation, is absent in this text. Girlfriends seek to cause tears in the bride in her parents' house with another purpose of a non-ritual nature, which is not characteristic of lamentation:

“You cry at your father’s, dear mother’s / Then you cry at someone else’s foreigner / Behind pine pillars / Behind spruce bark / So that people don’t see / Yes, they didn’t tell my dear friend.”

The poetic formulas of “drinking the bride on drink”, “sending her to work in the parental home” are summarized in the chants “Drank the native father away”.

The motif of “the bride’s crossing over to the other side” in the chants “The sun has risen high”, which is also characteristic of lamentation, is also not developed in the text from a ritual point of view.

The transformation of the songs of this intra-genre group occurs due to the truncation of the poetic formulas of lamentation in the second part of the text. The second part of the song (“You are gossips-darlings”) in the 90s. represents the young man's response to the girl's appeal to her friends with a request to set up an obstacle on the way to her. This was the reason for the weakening of the elegiac function of the song and, accordingly, the development of its functional polysemy. The song is no longer characterized by the informants as singing.

Thus, two main ways of transforming the hymns of the first intra-genre group can be indicated: firstly, this is the deformation of the formulas common to the elegiac song and lamentation due to the improvisational nature of the second part of the text and, secondly, the development of new motifs of a playful nature. In the sing-song “A chapel stood on the bank”, the poetic formulas characteristic of this text of the late 19th century are included.

(publication by M. Protopopov in "Living Antiquity" for 1903, manuscripts of the archive of Prince V.N. Tenishev), in the notes of the 90s. missing. The groom's appeal to the bride "welcome to a warm couple" is truncated.

The songs of the second group are performed mainly during the period of the bride's farewell to her relatives in the kut and the unweaving of the braid before the wedding. These include the following plots: “Do I look like a tower”, “Are you a fast river”, “You are a dear mother, do not go to a glass of wine”, “I walk along the Siyanskaya Mountain”. The song “Do I look like a tower” belongs only to the Middle Vychegodskaya folklore tradition. It is functionally timed to the moment of farewell of the bride in the kut with relatives.

The poetic formulas of the bride’s search for a clan-tribe, characteristic of the first part of the song, are the basis for introducing deplorable formulas into its second part, which are the bride’s appeal to her dead mother with a request to “rise from the grave” and “come to her dear daughter in kut, for curtain" with the aim of "blessing" and "saying goodbye." In this case, the functional timing of the song changes. It is already characterized by the informants as “the singing of an orphan” and is an example of a synchronous diffusion change in the function of songs "and in the rite. The second version of this song contains poetic formulas that are also characteristic of the lamentation of the bachelorette party period: “Yes, you think, girlfriends, for me / I will rejoice in the wild / Let people admire. " In this case, the song is assigned to the act bachelorette party.

The transformation of these hymns is carried out due to the loss of deplorable formulas in the second part of the song and the introduction of a game-like ending into the text: “You deviate from all / Lean against one / To the good of good fellow.” The song in this case no longer has the mark "singing". The crying of the bride over the blond braid is the plot-forming motif of the sing-along “You girls, pigeon seeds.” By the beginning of the 90s. the nature of improvisations in the second part of the text changes, which significantly affects its structure; the imperative (referring to the braid) is replaced by descriptiveness. Several versions of the song contain a description of the actions of the bride with her braid before marriage: “I got up early in the morning for your sake / I went to bed late in the evening / I scratched my head with an expensive fish comb / I braided all different ribbons into a braid / All different multi-colored / Multi-colored, German.

These poetic formulas acquire a generalized character in the song: there are no indications in the text about the braiding by the girlfriends, about the gift of beauty to the bride. The parable motifs of “undergrowth grass”, “immature berry”, characterizing the bride, underlie the development and adapt to the poetic structure of wedding poetry.

As the tradition develops, the second group of chants becomes small due to the truncation, deformation or replacement of poetic formulas, the loss of the symbolic meaning of images, which occurs as a result of diachronic changes in the text. Changes in the ritual semantics of the lyrics of chants become the reason for the development of a functional polysemy of songs performed in the period “before the matchmaking” and “beginning of the matchmaking”.

polyfunctional and actually majestic songs.

The problem of the functional definition of wedding songs in the Middle and Nizhnevychegodsk regions becomes more relevant when analyzing a group of “songs” that, in contrast to chants that are uniquely attached to the pre-wedding period, the performers ((scatter” throughout the rite, reinforcing the same plot often then after the first and, at the same time, after the second day of the wedding.The distribution by informants of texts with the same plot motifs into different functional groups is due, firstly, to the different degree of significance of one ritual act in different regions and, secondly, to their multifunctionality.

The courtship was accompanied by the performance of songs, in which, in contrast to opevaniZ, the function of magnificence was enhanced. The “songs” of matchmaking both commented on what was happening and called the main characters of the ritual, first of all the bride and groom. Therefore, researchers rightly call them polyfunctional.

Polyfunctional songs began to sound from the time the groom arrived at the bride's house. Three intra-genre groups can be distinguished among polyfunctional songs. The songs of the first group are a two-part composition: the first part of the song comments on the ritual acts of wooing, and the second is a celebration of the persons directly involved in them. The second part of the song contains laudatory formulas. The following songs belong to this group: “Not from the wind, not from the whirlwind”, “When I was a baby”, “Not yesterday, not the third day”, “Water spills in the puddles”, “There are currants in the meadows”. The transformation of the songs of this group is carried out mainly due to the truncation of the descriptive elements contained in the second part of the song. These changes are diachronic. So, in the earliest known version of the song “Not from the wind, not from the whirlwind”, presented in the materials of N.N. Aruev, the glorification of the groom is a large second part of the song, which in modern recordings of the 80-90s. not preserved. The poetic formulas of "gold - silver", indicating the wealth and nobility of the magnified, are similar to those used in magnification to the thousandth.

However, despite the fact that magnification is an important structural and meaningful element of the text, the song subsequently does not take on the function of magnification due to the commentary function reinforced in the text, which becomes the main one as the song transforms in time. This largely explains the functional polysemy of "songs"

this group. The same kind of changes affected the unique, characteristic only for the lower Vychegda, the plot of the song "When I was little."

The topic of matchmaking was relevant for the songs of this genre group, which was reflected in the plot of the song “Not Yesterday, Not the Third Day”. Its functional confinement to this ritual act is indicated by the rooting motif of the alien side, which is plot-forming. The second part of the song is the glorification of the groom through the description of his rich house.

The song “Water Spills in the Puddles”, commenting on the rite of the groom’s arrival at the bride’s house, contains the glorification of the bride on behalf of the matchmakers as a response to the refusal of the bride’s mother to let them into the house. The glorification of the bride, who “married no equal”, is contained in the song “There are currants in the meadows”, common in the Srednevychegodsk region.

The second group of songs is made up of texts in which there are no elements of aggrandizement. The performer only indicates the person who is addressed with a request of a ritual nature or who performs an action preceding the ceremony, which contributes to the strengthening of the elegiac function in the song. This is the reason for the appearance in the songs as the tradition develops of poetic formulas of chanting, which is typical mainly for the Nizhnevychegodsk region. So in the song “Matchmakers are leaving home”, the second part is the bride’s cry about lagging behind her parental home: “Matchmakers are leaving home / Yes, they leave me alone / Yes, no one will grieve about me / One mother will regret / Yes, even father will grieve.

Indications of the person being called are contained in the polyfunctional songs “We punished you, Maria”, “Good fellow, he lost the Italian cross”.

However, the wedding "songs" of the middle and lower Vychegda not only combined the functions of commentary and praise, but also included the poetic formulas of a number of songs of praise proper. These songs make up the third intra-genre group of polyfunctional texts. These include the following plots: “It rains on the street”, “The white swan lagged behind”. In one of the versions of the song "On the street, the rains will rain"

poetic formulas “silver rings”, “golden rings” are used, which are also characteristic of the magnification “All the guests are good at the table” with a traditional ending.

Comparing the versions of the songs of this group, it turns out that the laudatory function is more pronounced in the texts common in the Middle Vychegodskaya tradition. The transformation of the song, turning it into Nizhnevychegoda songs, occurs due to the weakening of the laudatory function and the loss of the descriptive element.

In the polyfunctional songs performed in the pre-war period, poetic formulas are used that are characteristic of the praises of one person, performed in the Middle and Lower Vychegoda folklore tradition, the polyfunctional songs of the pre-war part are not implemented. The theme of "connection of the young" is not yet developed at the textual level.

Most of the above polyfunctional songs are characterized by functional ambiguity. It is primarily characterized as "falcon" (with a central image of a falcon). In the Middle Vychegodsk tradition, they were attributed by the informants to the ritual moment of the arrival of the young from the crown, because, unlike plots similar to them, which are widespread in other traditions, in these songs (“You are a falcon and a son of a falcon”, “Oh, you are falcons, falcons ”), the main plot-forming motive is the motive of capturing a swan - a “red girl” and forcibly bringing her to the groom’s house, which is fixed in a number of formulas that are stable for this plot: “they caught a white swan on take them to the second day of the wedding. In the coincidence of the song “Oh, don’t fly, falcon, but along the mountain” with the central image of a falcon to the rite of the shield, in addition to the above, a new motif of “sewing a fly” develops in it.

Similar in semantics to the image of a falcon taking away the bride is the image of the groom’s horse, which is central in the song “In a damp forest I milk barley”, which existed in a large number of variants both in the Middle and Nizhnevychegodsk regions. The image of the bridegroom's horse is important for paired glorifications, functionally fixed by the performers for the second day of the wedding.

Actually majestic songs, the performance of which is marked in polyfunctional ones by the presence of a magnificatory function reinforced in them, dominating over commenting on the course of ritual action. The middle and lower Vychegodsk valuations are represented by two groups, identified by us following I.M. Kolesnitskaya: paired and descriptive.

(“Send our harp”, “Because of the forest, the fields are clear”), matchmakers (“Princes of the matchmaker”, “You sit down, boyars, on the bench”, “The matchmaker was driving from the new city”), cooks (“ Thank you, cooks"), the brewer ("Thank you, brewer"), the thousandth ("Thousand, you came here"), all the guests at the table They said, Grigory is rich"), the groom ("We are you, married ranks Alexander, we call ”, “From the kuti along the bench all the boyars are sitting”).

Descriptive magnifications, presented in a smaller number of options compared to paired ones, were timed by the informants to coincide with the first day of the wedding, on which the final engagement of the newlyweds had not yet taken place. At the same time, the magnificence of persons who went through the stage of separation from the previous state (the bride and groom), and those directly related to this rite (the thousandth, they develop the theme of enlisting the young, was of great importance. The poetic lines contained in them indicate that descriptive magnifications belong to wooing. , fixing those ceremonies in which the person being magnified is included (groom, spread in the Nizhnevychegodsk region the magnification “Send our appeal to the girl: “Give cloths, low bows.” On the belonging of the magnificence to the matchmaker to the matchmaker “You sit down, boyars, on the bench” , "Princes of the matchmaker - turitsa" indicates the presence of a stable motive in them of seating the "boyars on the bench" during their arrival at the bride's house for matchmaking and a more static description of the fees of the matchmaker for the wedding through listing the elements of the clothes prepared by her and the actions performed for this. especially Srednevychegodsky district, where the pre-wedding ceremony of brewing beer was especially significant and, therefore, poetically relevant zirovan performers.

Descriptive titles function in more texts on the territory of the middle Vychegda due to the better preservation of the tradition in this area. An important role in the functional definition of these statements was made by a number of researchers of laudatory songs, in particular Yu.G.

Kruglov that they do not have a clear functional confinement due to the fuzzy expression of their ritual significance, in our opinion, is not indisputable.

In paired aggrandizements, which are widespread mainly on the lower Vychegda, several plot-forming motifs stand out.

Traditional for the plot of the texts “Alexander Ivanovich’s head is combed”, “It was in China, in the city” was the motif of “the bride combing the groom’s hair”, curling the groom’s curls by the girl, which indicates the completion of the marriage action, the final transition of the bride to the status of married women. These songs were sung at the stage of the final joining of the bride to the groom's house and poetically recorded the formation of a married couple.

The second important plot-forming motif of paired glorifications is the motif of “groom giving water to the bride”, which is realized in the Nizhnevychegodsky songs “Like in the upper room on the table” and “Bowl of all litas”. Its magical meaning and ritual semantics are especially pronounced in the magnification "Like in the upper room on the table." The drinking of the cup of honey by the bride should culminate in the birth of her son. Thus, the motif of the bridegroom giving water (honey) to the bride is semantically and functionally similar to the motif of “combing hair”.

The third important poetic motif of the praising songs of the second day of the wedding is the motif of “taking the bride away by the groom’s horse”, which also means the final transition of the bride to the “foreign side” and is realized in the songs “The horse runs along the bank”, “It was on a raft, on a raft”. In a number of variants of the title "The horse runs along the bank", the presence of poetic formulas that fix the bride's refusal to cross over to the other side and stand "under the crown of gold", as well as the motive of "washing gifts", from which the song begins, serve as the basis for attributing this song to group of pre-wedding magnifications.

The considered paired magnificences of the second day of the wedding in a number of variants have a stable ending of a playful nature, which expresses the general mood of the participants in the post-wedding part of the ceremony: “She is whitewashed, anointed, he is ordered to kiss / A brave good fellow.”

Paired glorifications of the second day of the wedding in a poetic way fix not only the final transition of the bride to the side of the groom, but also recreate the picture of married life. Thus, in the Middle Vychegodsk magnification “Like a charm”, the plot-forming motives are the motives of the husband coming to the house to his wife and asking him to meet her with her son.

The functional confinement of magnifications to ritual acts is determined by the semantics of the text as a whole and the meaning of its main images.

The conclusion of the dissertation contains the general results of the study, which determine the uniqueness of the wedding tradition of the middle and lower Vychegda.

The conclusions reflect the genre-functional features of "lamentations", "slanders", "songs" and "magnifications".

The Appendices provide a systematic index of Middle and Lower Vychegoda wedding songs (No. 2) and determine the place of their localization (No. 1). Appendix No. 1 contains transcripts of the most complete versions of lamentations, mournings, polyfunctional songs and eulogies. In the comments to each text, the place, time of recording, last name, first name, patronymic, year of birth of the performer are indicated, formula discrepancies in all recorded versions of the song with one plot are noted.

A number of provisions of the dissertation are set out in the following works:

1. Ecological traditions of the Middle Vychegodsk population // Ecology, education, science, culture: state and prospects of the conference of young scientists June 18-22, 2001. Arkhangelsk, 2001.

functional definition of musical and poetic genres of the regional scientific conference November 6-8, 2001 Arkhangelsk, 2001.

3. The problem of genre definition and classification of wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda // interuniversity conference of young scientists January 25-26, 2002

Cherepovets, 2002.

4. On the issue of clarifying the genre classifications of wedding folklore: singing in the middle and lower Vychegodsk marriage ritual / / Actual problems of modern science. Number 3. 2002. 1, a.l. (in the press).

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«SHAKHMATOVA Tatyana Sergeevna TRADITIONS OF VAUDEVILLE AND MELODRAMA IN THE RUSSIAN DRAMA OF THE XX - THE BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURIES 10.01.01 - Russian literature Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Kazan - 2009 The work was done in the state educational institution of higher professional education Kazan State University. IN AND. Ulyanova-Lenina Supervisor: candidate of philological sciences, associate professor Bushkanets Liya Efimovna...»

Dashevskaya Olga Anatolyevna THE LIFE BUILDING CONCEPT OF D. ANDREEV IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTURAL PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS AND CREATIVITY OF RUSSIAN WRITERS OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE XX CENTURY Specialty 10.01.01 – Russian literature Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philological Sciences in Russian Literature Tomsk – 2006 VPO Tomsk State University Scientific consultant: Doctor of Philology, Professor Vyacheslav...»

«AMINDJANOVA RUHSHONA KHAKIMOVNA LIFE AND CREATIVITY OF URFI SHIRAZI Specialty: 10.01.03 - Literature of the peoples of foreign countries (Tajik literature) ABSTRACT of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Khujand - 2011 .Gafurova Supervisor: Doctor of Philology Gafarova Zamira Abdulloevna Official opponents:...»

«Kamenetskaya Tatyana Yakovlevna EVOLUTION OF NARRATORY IN THE WORKS OF I. A. BUNIN 1910 - 1920s 10. 01. 01 - Russian literature ABSTRACT of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Ekaterinburg - 2008 The work was done at the Department of Russian Literature of the State Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education Ural State University them. A.M. Gorky. Supervisor Doctor of Philology - Professor E. K. Sozina Official opponents Doctor of Philology - Professor ... "

«ROGACHEVA Natalya Alexandrovna Russian lyrics of the turn of the XIX-XX centuries: the poetics of smell Specialty 10.01.01 - Russian literature Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philology Ekaterinburg 2011 A. M. Gorky and at the Department of Russian Literature of the State Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education Tyumen State University Scientific consultant: Doctor of Philology, ... "

«Chekhunova Olga Alexandrovna THE CYCLE STRUCTURE OF GEORGY IVANOV’S POETRY COLLECTIONS OF THE 1930s AS A REFLECTION OF THE EXISTENTIAL PICTURE OF THE WORLD Specialty: 10.01.01 – Russian literature Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Moscow, 2012 The work was done at the Department of Russian Philology of the North-Eastern Federal University named after M. K. Ammosov (branch in Neryungri) Supervisor: Doctor of Philology, Professor...»

"Dondokova Maksara Yurievna TRADITIONAL AND AUTHOR'S SYMBOLS OF TIME IN THE LYRICS OF N. NIMBUEV IN THE CONTEXT OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE Specialty 10.01.02 - Literature of the peoples of the Russian Federation (Siberian literature: Altai, Buryat, Tuva, Khakass, Yakut) ABSTRACT for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Ulan -Ude - 2013 The work was done at the Department of Foreign Literature of the Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education Buryat State University Supervisor Dr....»

“Timofeeva Karina Yurievna JORGE MANRIQUE IN THE CONTEXT OF SPANISH LITERATURE XV C. Specialty 10.01.03. - Literature of the peoples of foreign countries (literature of the peoples of Europe, America, Australia) ABSTRACT of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences St. Petersburg 2014

«NIKOLAEV DMITRY SERGEEVICH EARLY IRISH POETRY AND THE PROBLEM OF PALEOFOLKLORE Specialty 10.01.09 – Folkloristics Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Moscow – 2011 The work was done at the Center for Typology and Semiotics of Folklore of the Russian State Humanitarian University Scientific adviser: Doctor of Philology Mikhailova Tatyana Andreevna: Official Doctors Philological Sciences Toporkov Andrey Lvovich Candidate of Historical Sciences Zhivlova Nina Yurievna...»

“Vorobeva Lyudmila Vladimirovna LONDON TEXT OF RUSSIAN LITERATURE OF THE FIRST THIRD OF THE XX CENTURY 10.01.01 – Russian literature Abstract of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Tomsk - 2009 Scientific supervisor doctor of philological sciences, professor Novikova Elena Georgievna Official...»

«KNYSHEVA DINA VIKTOROVNA FOLKLORE TRADITIONS IN THE RUSSIAN COMIC OPERA OF THE LAST THIRD OF THE 18TH CENTURY Specialty 10.01.01 – Russian literature ABSTRACT of the dissertation for the degree of candidate of philological sciences Ulyanovsk – 2012 Head: Buranok Oleg Mikhailovich Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, Professor...»


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